Half-way from rags to richesApr 24th 2008From The Economist print editionVietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?EyevineCorrection to this articleKNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows dug into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans during the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries. These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”. Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged . Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll. An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introduction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable. Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council. Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-reducing World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”—free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $ billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exodus of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them. Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and productivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten. The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket. Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern industrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic. But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further reductions in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to stench of corruptionThe Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official procedures. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly. Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and individuals borrowed to speculate on shares and government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay. What could go wrongAll this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks: • Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development. Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with gradual political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
经济学人：加拿大的住宅市场Finance and Economics; 财经；Canada's housing market; 加拿大的住宅市场；Time for a bigger needle; 该出手时就出手；The latest attempt to prick a bubble;戳破泡沫的最新举措；经济学人：Canada's reputation for financial regulation is starry. Its banksgot through the crisis unscathed. According to Moody's, a ratings agency, Royal Bank of Canadasits alongside HSBC and JPMorgan Chase in the top tier of global banks. And Canadianpolicymakers are old hands at pulling “macroprudential” levers of the sort now in vogue amongrich-world central banks.加拿大的金融监管一向广受赞誉。它的银行业在这场危机中做到了独善其身。根据评级机构穆迪的报告，加拿大皇家银行与汇丰银行以及摩根大通同列，跻身全球银行界的第一梯队。同时，加拿大的政策制定者也是运用宏观审慎政策的老手，这一政策如今也常被其他富国的央行使用。But questions still nag. Some say that Canada's banks are flattered by a huge indemnity offeredby Canada Mortgage and Housing Corp (CMHC), a public institution that insures mortgages witha loan-to-value ratio of more than 80%. CHMC's book grew to 567 billion Canadian Dollar(557 billion Dollar) in 2011, up from 345 billion Canadian Dollar four years earlier. And Canada'shousing market looks very frothy on some measures: The Economist's analysis of price-to-rentratios suggests that Canadian properties were about 75% above their long-run “fair value” in thefirst quarter of 2012 (see chart). Although less than of CHMC's mortgages are in arrears, such exuberance is a worry. The central bank recently labelled housing as “the most importantdomestic risk to financial stability in Canada”.但是，仍有问题缠身。部分人士认为，加拿大的银行被加拿大抵押和住房公司（CMHC）提供的巨额补偿金美化了，CMHC是一家为贷款估值比率超过80%的抵押贷款提供保险的公共机构。在2011年，CHMC的抵押贷款额从四年前的3450亿增长到了5670亿加元（合5570亿美元）。并且，从一些指标来看，加拿大的房地产充斥着泡沫：《经济学人》以房价租金比所做的分析显示，在2012年第一季度，加拿大的物业价格高出它们的长期公允价值75%。纵然仅有低于的CHMC抵押贷款存在拖欠的情况，但这样的繁荣仍让人忧虑。最近，央行也冠以楼市 “危及加拿大金融稳定性的最大国内隐患”。Repeated efforts by policymakers to take the heat out of housing have not had a noticeableeffect. So on June 21st Jim Flaherty, the finance minister, had another go, his fourth in fouryears. Some of the new measures were cosmetic. Buyers of homes worth more than 1m Dollarhave been able to get mortgage-default insurance from CMHC with a downpayment of only 5%. In practice, it is hard to find buyers in this bracket who do not have lots of equity in their homes. But after July 9th mortgages for homes of this value will not be eligible for CMHC coverage.政策制定者们给楼市降温的不断尝试并无明显成效。于是，在6月21日，加拿大财长吉姆·费拉逖，在四年来第四次出台了一些新举措。新措施中的一些不过是表面功夫。价值过百万美元住宅的买主能得到由CMHC担保的债务违约保险以及首付仅付5%的优惠待遇。而事实上，很少有这类购房者在购房时不以大量自有资金支付价款的。不过，在6月9日之后，这类住宅将不再适用于CMHC的保险范围。Other measures have more teeth. The maximum amortisation period for a mortgage will now be25 years, down from 30. That should hurt demand: last year about 40% of new mortgages werefor terms longer than that. Refinancing a home will be allowed only up to 80% of its value, downfrom 85%. Homebuyers will have to demonstrate their housing costs are no more than 39% oftheir gross household income. On top of Mr Flaherty's measures, the Office of theSuperintendent of Financial Institutions, Canada's banking regulator, slapped a loan-to-value limitof 65% on borrowing against home equity.其他那些则更为有力。抵押贷款最长还贷期限如今将从30年降低至25年。这势必将减少需求：去年约有40%的新贷款的期限是超过25年的。允许的房屋再融资的上限从房屋价值的85%降至只有80%。购房者还须证明他们的住房支出不超过家庭总收入的39%。费拉逖的举措中，紧随其后的是，加拿大的银行监管部门，联邦金融机构监督办公室，将贷款和自有资金间的贷款估值比率的限制猛降至65%。Craig Alexander, the chief economist for TD Financial Group, estimates all this will be theequivalent of about a 1% rise in mortgage rates for most homebuyers. He believes that willproduce a slow unwinding of the housing market. If he is right, and Mr Flaherty's variousinterventions avoid the collateral damage that would be caused by an actual interest-rate rise, Canada's admirers will have another thing to swoon over.多伦多道明银行金融集团首席经济学家，克雷格·亚历山大估计，所有这些措施对于购房者而言将等同于抵押贷款利率上升1%。他认为这将促使房产市场缓慢回归。如果他的观点正确，并且费拉逖的各种干预手段能够避免可能引发实际利率上升的附带伤害，那么如此一来，加拿大的崇拜者们又将有一个可以津津乐道的话题了。
next and the joy of the game of livin
一, 与市场,运营情况有关的形容词小结形容市场活跃, 繁荣1 dynamic 有活力的,有生机的2 prosperous 繁荣的3 brisk 兴隆的4 volatile 不稳定的, 活跃浮动的形容市场萧条,不景气5 bleak 惨淡凄凉的6 declining 下滑的,衰退的7 slump 委靡的8 sluggish 不景气,萧条的9 stagnant 停滞不前的, 萧条的二, 关于是“商品”的小结10 merchandise 商品(集合名词)(单数)11 goods 货物(复)12 commodity 商品, 期货futures 13 product 产品 14 produce 农产品 15 freight 运输的货物 ; 运费 16 cargo (船,飞机) 装载的货物 三, 和会议,集会有关的词小结17 convoke 召集18 rally 集合 19 gathering 聚会 20 function 集会，仪式event, happeningOur sports day is the most important function of the year.运动会那一天是我们一年里最盛大的活动。21 adjourn 延会,休会22 confer 商谈四, 常见犯罪小结23 mug 抢劫,(从背后袭击)24 steal 偷 25 loot 抢夺26 pickpocket 扒手27 burglary 夜盗28 smuggle 走私五, 常见支付方式小结29 by cash 现金 30 by check 支票31 by credit card 信用卡32 by money order 汇票33 by installment 分期伏款34 by mail 邮寄六, 关于性格的描述小节35 outgoing 外向活泼36 sociable 善于交际37 adaptable 适应性强38 ambitious 有野心39 hard-working 工作努力40 energetic 有活力41 enterprising 富于进取,有创业精神42 honest 诚实43 reserved 保守,稳重44 responsible 负责 45 optimistic 乐观46 independent 独立 七, 名词1 inflation 通货膨胀2 deflation 通货紧缩3 feasibility 可行性4 overhaul 彻底检查 5 custom 海关6 bruise 擦伤7 indices 是index的复数 注意读音是 / / (听力) 8 commotion 暴动,骚乱9 interest rate 利率10 disposition (1)性情气质 (2) 处理11 carat, karat 克拉12 hallmark 品质证明, 纯正之证明13 asylum 收容所, 养老院 14 orphanage 孤儿院15 morale 士气,人心16 pennant 锦旗17 vicinity 附近, 短语是 in the ~ of 18 interrogation 询问,审讯 短语是 put sb under ~19 intersection 交点20 intermission 休息时间 21 physician 内科医生22 surgeon 外科医生, 军医,船医23 breadwinner 养家糊口的人24 recipe 食谱,方法25 tender 招标,a public ~, ask for tender26 syllabus 课程纲要27 Spaniard 西班牙人28 dispassion 冷静客观29 levity 轻率30 expulsion 开除,除籍31 defamation 诽谤32 payroll 薪水册,工资表33 contraction 收缩 34 renewal 更新35 deduction 扣除(额)36 escalator 电动扶梯37 elevator 电梯,升降梯(美)38 lift 电梯(英)39 emblem 象征标志 同logo symbol 40 dereliction 玩忽职守 ~ of duty41 milk shake 奶昔42 endorsement 背书保证,找明星代言43 approbation 批准许可44 probation 试用 trial 45 deference 顺从尊重46 minor infraction 轻微违法major violation 重大47 vacate 疏散 evacuation 48 anarchy 无政府49 collusion 共谋,勾结50 downturn 下滑take a sudden downturn 51 spa 温泉52 freelance writer 自由撰稿人53 articles 用品,商品54 management 资方 union 工会55 turnover 运转,周转56 turnout (集会)出席者a large turnout 57 annuity 养老金 pension 58 extension 分机59 innovation 革新翻新, renovation装修60 dosage 剂量61 rash 疹子62 clientele 顾客,老主顾63 leave 请假 He is often absent without leave 64 partition 隔间,区分65 junk 垃圾 punk 朋克 66 menopause 更年期 67 razor 剃刀68 crop strains 作物品种 69 headphone 耳机earphone70 automated teller machine 自动提款机ATM71 civilians 听力中注意与surveillance区分72 subsidiary 子公司 73 strip mining 露天采矿74 national (某国的)国民 we employ various nationals at our local companies. 75 mortgage 抵押76 compartment 隔间 Ask the flight attendant if we can put our things in that compartment 77 helping (食物的)一分I had a second helping 78 subcontractor 转包商79 speculation 投机 ~ in real estate80 avocation 副业81 kickback 回扣82 spectator 观众 audience 听众 83 stroller (1)四轮婴儿车 (2)漫步者84 seniority 年长,资深 ~ has priority 85 toner 调色剂86 luncheon 正式午餐，下午餐会87 fa�0�4ade 建筑物正面（法）88 decoy 欺，引诱 envoy 使者，代表 alloy 合金 convoy 护送陪伴 89 interface 交互界面 (desktop 桌面) desktop video conference 桌面视频会议90 boutiques 小店精品店 banquet宴会 bouquet 花束 91 casino 俱乐部，游乐场92 complex 整套设施 (an office complex) Oedipus complex93 commencement ceremony授学位典礼 inception开始 induction 入伍94 modem 调制解调器95 fraud 96 magnate 工业巨头97 gourmet 美食家98 ordinance 法令99 cursor 光标100 liaison 交流合作 101 portfolio 公文包，文件夹 102 corrosives 易腐蚀品103 corporation 企业， (听力中注意和cooperation区分)104 minute 会议录105 recreation 娱乐，休闲 =relaxation 八, 动词1 strand 使搁浅，陷入困境2 relate 叙述3 facilitate 使便利4 excel 优出胜出 ~ in 名词 excellence 5 exceed 超过6 remit 汇款，宽恕7 highlight 强调8 inoculate 接种9 vaccinate 接种疫苗10 remedy 补救11 undermine 诋毁 12 reverse 颠倒 ~ the verdict 判决13 slam 使劲关 ~ dunk14 equip 配备15 capsize 倾覆（船）16 simmer 炖，煨17 retrench 减少，节约18 discredit 使失去权威性，破坏名誉的19 curb 阻止，控制 ~ the use of marijuana 20 process 加工21intercept 中途拦截 22 segregate 隔离，分开分离23 quarantine 隔离检疫24 seclude 隔绝，隐退，隐秘25 appeal 呼吁，恳求，上诉26 lift 解除，提起精神27 rescind 废止，取消28 audit 查帐29 condemn 非难，判罪30 condone 宽恕，容忍31 deviate 偏离，跑题 ~ from 32 disabuse 解惑，矫正 33 disavow 否认34 transfuse 输血35 mingle 交往，混合36 forfeit 没收 confiscate 37 staple 用订书器钉 ADJ 主要的重要的38 deregulate 解除对---的管制39 block 阻挡N 楼40 launch 推出新产品，实施 (an investigation into the scandal) 41 house V. 为---提供住房42 expel 开除，驱除43 reimburse 报销，伏款 = refund44 observe 遵守 ~ the smoking rule45 syndicate （在报刊，杂志联盟）多家报刊上同时发表 46 commute 通勤47 rotate 旋转，循环48 implement 实行49 liquidate 清算，清偿债务50 accrue 增长，自然增殖九, 形容词1 fragile 易碎的2 latter 后者3 latest 最新的 4 later 过一会，过后5 eligible 合格的 illegible 难懂的 6 edible 可食用的 audible 可听到的 7 duplicate 副本的，复制的8 potamic 河川的 9 faulty 有错误的 ~ transformer 变压器 10 supersonic 超音速的11 foremost 首要的 12 affluent 富足的13 explicit 明晰的 14 implicit 暗含的15 hustle-bustle 熙来攘往16 obese 肥胖的17 manifold 各样的，多种18 imprudent 轻率的19 effete 疲惫枯竭 20 ebullient 沸腾的，热情洋溢的21 enervated 无力的衰弱的22 spacious 宽敞的23 selective 精挑细选的24 precocious 早熟的，过早的 25 remiss 疏忽的26 facile 容易的，流畅的27 intangible 无形的28 illicit 不合法的 = illegal 29 diagonal 对角线的 30 methodically 有条不紊的31definitive 限定的，决定的32 plausible 似合理的33 propitious 吉祥的，有利的34 auspicious 吉祥的35 intelligible 可识别的36 inflammable 易燃的37 nonflammable 不易燃的38 quality 质量好的 ~~ product/items/materials 39 state-of-the-art 最新水平40 illegitimate 不合法的，私生的41 tailored 定制的 ~ devise programs to our needs 42 custom-made = tailor-made 特制的43mandatory 强制性的44 provisional—temporary 暂时的，临时的45luxurious 奢侈的46 bear market ”熊市”，也称空头市场，指行情普遍看淡。延续时间相对较长的大跌。47 bull market ”牛市”，也称多头市场，指市场行情普遍看涨，延续时间较长的大升。48 clean 的其他说法： 卫生的hygienic（名词hygiene）干净的 sanitary49 tricky 棘手的，复杂的（工作） 50 languishing 衰弱下去的十 词组1 a handful of people 少数的人2 adjacent to 与---临近3 put on airs 摆架子4 discharge from hospital 出院5 halt buses and subway all day 使公车地铁一天停止6 graphic design 平面设计7 3D design 三维设计8 medical insurance coverage 保险项目，范围9 default rate 拖欠债务率10 full professor 正教授11 potent antibiotics 强效抗生素12 make a rule of doing something 形成---习惯13 chanber of commerce 商会 14 leteter of credit (L/C) 信用证（支付方式的一种）15 stock dividend 股息16 devaluation of the currency 货币贬值17 sprain one’s ankle 扭伤脚踝18 holistic medicine 整体医学19insurance premium 保险费用20 his Hair receding from his fore head 从前额掉头发21 express train 快车 limited train 特快车22 probation/trial period 试用期23 take a hard line with 强权策略 24 tread mission 贸易代表团25 long term objective 长期目标26 the audit department 审纪部27 International Herald Tribune 国际先驱论坛28 top copy 复印原件29 take steps to do 着手落实Many countries have taken steps to improve airport security。 30 pertaining to 适合，合宜，关于 31 a panorama of 齐全，品种繁多 32 24 hours a day = 7 days a week 24小时营业，无休息33 dog days 三伏34 column writer 栏目作者35 staff appraisal 员工评估36 at one’s fingertips 在手头，目前37 lodge and accommodation 膳宿38 fringe benefit 福利，补贴 39 go into liquidation 倒闭40 lag behind 落后 41 phase something out 逐步废止42 write—offs 破旧的无从修理43 abide strictly by 严格恪守44 clearance sale 清仓大处理45 have/take title to 有---特权46 staff attendant 员工出勤情况47 down payment 定金，分期付款的首次款 48 know-how 专项技能，窍门49 cross-reference 互相参照50 labor-intensive industry 劳动密集型行业 一篇中国09年经济展望的论文：Chinese economic outlook for 2009From my point of view, generally speaking, china would forced to face many challenges in 2009 due to the undertaking recession issues, but in the global economic world, it would still be expected to act as one of the first countries to get recovered from the recession. There are five major issues regards to Chinese economic condition in 2009. First, China will be challenged by the influence from international economic crisis. Secondly, due to the combination impact from the home and abroad, the macroeconomic regulation in China would become more complicated; in another word, it may result in a repeating domestic inflation and deflation. Thirdly, the above situations might have side-effects on Chinese stock market and real estate market; further, the small and medium companies might face serious liquidation issues. In Addition, there is a great possibility of a dramatic decline on the employment rate. Last but not least, it would become tremendous difficulty for government to maintain a balanced financial status and also inject further confidence into Chinese economic. To sum up, from the above analysis, it is clear that the economic situation in China for 2009 is not in positive. However, with more focus on Chinese domestic market and increasing living allowances of our lower-income groups, it is possible to achieve a stabilized economic and social position even in such a serious condition.
THIS WAS supposed to be the quarter that Kraft Heinz showed America's huge, struggling food companies a new model for success. A merger in 2015 had joined two of the world's most iconic food makers. Backed by 3G Capital, a private-equity firm, the new group slashed costs at a pace that made rivals shudder and investors swoon. After a failed bid in 2017 for Unilever, an Anglo-Dutch giant, Kraft Heinz set out to prove it could not just cut fat but boost sales on its own. Bernardo Hees, the company's boss, pointed cheerfully to new products, including Heinz Mayochup and something called Just Crack an Egg. The company was on the path to "sustainable, profitable growth", he declared in November. Unfortunately, it wasn't. On February 21st Kraft Heinz announced a staggering $15bn impairment, a dividend cut of more than 3o% and an inquiry into its procurement by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). Earnings calls are often sleepy affairs. This one was a nightmare. Some of 3G's long-time critics are now clucking with satisfaction. Others fear 3G is tarnishing American treasures such as Kraft Macaroni and Cheese and Warren Buffett, who partnered with 3G to combine Heinz and Kraft and last year lost nearly $3bn on the deal. Yet dramatic as Kraft Heinz's decline may seem, 3G's impact and the food industry's problems extend far beyond it. While its founders are Brazilian, 3G's buyout business is based in Manhattan.(Its most famous founder, Jorge Paulo Lemann, lives in Switzerland.) Unlike many big private-equity firms, 3G's main investors are not pension funds but family offices and individuals, including its partners. It does not have a wide portfolio, but backs just two companies: Kraft Heinz and Restaurant Brands International (RBI). Blackstone, a private-equity firm based a few blocks away, has nearly 2,5oo 's New York office has fewer than two dozen. Yet 3G's leaders have rocked the consumer industry like few investors in history. All buyout firms are thirsty for deals, but 3G is uniquely parched. Before starting 3G, the firm's founders went on a beer-buying spree that culminated in 2o16 with Anheuser-Busch InBev's purchase of SAB Miller for more than $100bn. AB InBev, in which 3G's partners have a large stake, now brews more than one in four of the world's beers. Kraft Heinz counts Kraft cheese, Heinz Ketchup, Jell-0, Philadelphia Cream Cheese and Oscar Mayer among its holdings. RBI includes Burger King, Popeyes, a fried-chicken restaurant, and Tim Hortons, a popular Canadian chain. The way 3G runs companies is as notable as its appetite for buying them. In a practice called zero-based budgeting, managers must justify their expenses anew each year. The idea is to expand margins continuously. Overseeing this are managers chosen for their talent and work ethic, rather than mere experience. Daniel Schwartz, a 3G partner, became the chief executive of Burger King at 32. Mr Hees, a 3G partner who spent more than a decade working for a Latin American railroad, became Kraft Heinz's boss at 45. David Knopf, its chief financial officer, assumed his position in 2017 at 29. To 3G's detractors, this all seems a bit mad. The company's strategy can be caricatured as follows: buy a big business, cut costs, repeat. This is not entirely fair. RBI has invested in marketing Burger King, winning prizes for its ads. AB InBev is working to boost its sales, for instance by pushing higher-priced beers and deploying best practices across its vast geography. But buying big companies and slashing costs remain 3G's speciality. The risks of that strategy have become clear. RBI struggled to integrate franchisees at Tim Hortons. AB InBev last year said it would slash its dividend by half. Nowhere has 3G's approach played out more tumultuously than at Kraft Heinz. America's food industry seemed the perfect target, with flabby companies and powerful brands. Rare is the American who has not slurped Kool-Aid or downed an Oscar Mayer hot dog smothered in Heinz reckoned the brands were strong enough to withstand large cuts. As it turns out, they were not. This was not the same for AB InBev, which despite abysmal results in America, has little beer competition from in-store brands, is rarely sold online and faces ample growth abroad. Kraft Heinz's business, by comparison, is concentrated in America, where the food industry is being turned on its head. Its brands may be familiar, but that does not make them popular. Small firms are offering healthier options, taking advantage of cheap digital marketing and nimble contract manufacturers. The smallest 20,000 packaged goods players account for about half the industry's growth, according to Nielsen, a research firm. Meanwhile, the rise of e-commerce and European discount grocers has put pressure on food retailers, which are in turn squeezing food companies. Stores led by Walmart are using extensive data to launch their own, increasingly sophisticated, low-cost private label goods, all the while pushing companies to lower their prices. Things started well for Kraft Heinz. Its operating profit margin surged from 15% in 2014 to 24% in 2017. The first big setback came that year when Paul Polman, then Unilever's boss, rebuffed the company's $143bn courtship.(Unilever, wisely, has devoted growing attention not to food but to beauty and household products.) Without his megadeal, Mr Hees turned to the basic work of lifting sales by pouring more money into advertising, product innovation and Kraft Heinz's sales force, but that ate into profits. Equally striking is the company's new $15bn impairment, a recognition that the value of giant brands has shrivelled. Mr Buffett says that he misjudged the worth of Kraft's stable of products. "The management team entered into this merger with the assumption they could cut the spending needed to maintain brands, let alone help them grow," says Robert Moskow of Credit Suisse, a bank. "The world changed on them-retailers changed and consumers changed." Flawed though 3G's approach may seem, few food companies offer a successful alternative. Companies have tried to evolve by buying smaller firms, often at lofty prices and with mixed results. For instance Campbell Soup bought Bolthouse Farms, a maker of fruity drinks, in 2o12, but is now trying to sell it. Last year it bought Snyder's-Lance, a pretzel and popcorn company, to boost its snacks business. Its debt level has risen accordingly. Indeed, shopping sprees at Campbell, ConAgra and General Mills have made those companies more levered than Kraft Heinz, according to Sanford C Bernstein, a research firm. Kraft Heinz now wants to shrink to grow: it plans divestments over the next 18 months to improve its balance sheet so it can make other, big deals. But the SEC's subpoena suggests that some internal processes might be unravelling as managers struggle to meet bold goals. The notion that big deals will save American food firms looks increasingly dubious. In 2014, before Heinz bought Kraft, the combined gross operating profits of the companies were about $. Now, due in part to some problems beyond its control, Kraft Heinz expects its 2019 profits to be about the same.卡夫亨氏《Kraft Heinz）本应在这个季度向美国规模巨大但陷入困境的食品公司展示一种通往成功的新模式。2015年，两家全球最具标志性的食品制造商合二为一。在私募股权公司G资本的支持下，新集团以令竞争对手战栗、令投资者狂喜的速度削减成本。2017年收购英荷巨头联合利华失败后，卡夫亨氏开始想办法证明自己不但会减肥，还能凭自身提高销焦额。公司老板贝尔纳多·希斯（Bernardo Hees）兴高采烈地搬出新产品作例证，包括亨氏的蛋黄番茄酱（Mayochup）和一种叫“打个蛋”（just Crack an Egg）的食品。去年11月他查布公司正走在遇往可持续、有盈利的增长“的道路上。遗憾的是，并没有。 上月21日，卡夫亨氏披露了150亿美元的巨额减记、削减超过30%的股息，以及美国证券交易委员会（SEC）调查其采购部门的事宜。财报电话会议通常让人昏昏欲题，这一次却是一场露梦。一些长期批评3G资本的人现在难掩得意之情。另一些人则担心，3G资本正在玷污像卡夫亨氏通心粉和巴菲特这样的美国瑰宝。之前正是巴非特与3G资本联手促成了亨氏和卡夫的合井，去年他因这笔交易亏损近30亿美元。不过，尽管卡夫亨氏的业绩下滑看起来很惊人，3G资本的影响和食品行业的问题却远不止于此。 3G资本的几位创始人都是巴西人，但收购业务的总部设在曼哈顿。（公司最知名的创始人豪尔赫·保罗·雷曼[Jorge Paulo Lemann]住在瑞士。）与许多大型私募股权公司不同，3G资本的主要投资者不是养老基金，而是家族办公空和个人，包括它的合伙人。它的投资组合并不广泛，只支持两家公司：卡夫亨氏和国际餐饮品牌公司（Restaurant Brands International，RBJ）。私募股权公司需石（Blackstone）的总卸离3G资本只有几个街区，有近2500名员工，而3G资本纽约办事处的员工还不到24人。不过，3G贸本的领导者却震憾了整个消费行业，极少有投资者曾做到这一点。 所有的投资收购公司都渴望达成交易，但3G资本在这方面的热望独一无二。在成立3G资本之前，该公司的创始人掀起了一场啤酒业收购狂湖，在2016年百威英博（Anheuser-Busch InBev）以逾1000亿美元收购SAB米勒（SAB Miller）时达到顶峰。如今，由G资本的合伙人大量持股的百威英博酿造了超过全球四分之一的啤酒。卡夫亨氏的产品包括卡夫奶酪、亨氏番茄、Jell-O果冻、菲力奶油奶酪和Oscar Mayer肉制品。RBI旗下有汉堡王、炸鸡店Popeyes和颇受欢迎的加拿大连锁店Tim Hortons。 3G资本运营所持有公司的方式和收购它们的劲头一样引人注目。它采用一种“零基预算法”的做法，经理们每年都要重新证明他们的支出是合理的。此举是为了持续扩大利润率。而监督这一操作的管理层是因他们的才能和职业道德而不仅仅是经验被选定的。3G资本的合伙人之一丹尼尔·施瓦茨（Daniel Schwartz）出任汉堡王的首席执行官时才32岁。另一位合伙人希斯在一家拉美铁路公司工作了十多年，45岁时成为卡夫亨氏的老板。首席财务官戴维·克诺夫（David Knopf）2017年上任时才29岁。 对于3G资本的抨击者来说，这一切似乎有点疯狂。夸张一点说，该公司的战略就是：收购一家大企业，削减成本，然后再重复。但这么说并不完全公平。RBI在汉堡王的营销上投资，赢得了广告大奖。百威英博正努力提振销售，比如推销价格更高的啤酒，并在公司广阔的版图上应用最佳实践。 但收购大公司和削减成本仍是3G资本的专长。这种策略的风险已经变得很明显。整合Tim Hortons的加盟商让RBI不堪重负。百威英博去年表示将把股息削减一半。 3G资本的这套做法用在卡夫亨氏上时表现得最为混乱。美国的食品产业看起来是个完美的目标，因为该行业里企业臃肿但品牌强大。很少有美国人没喝过速溶饮料Kool-Aid，或是没吃过涂满亨氏番茄酱的Oscar Mayer热狗。3G资本认为这些品牌足够强大，能承受大幅成本削减。事实证明它们并不能。 百威英博的情况就不一样了。尽管在美国的业绩糟糕透顶，但百威英博几乎没有遇到过来自商店自有品牌啤酒的竞争，很少在网上销售，而且海外增长强劲。相比之下，卡夫亨氏的业务集中在美国，而美国的食品行业正在发生翻天覆地的变化。它的各个品牌可能为人熟知，但这并不能让它们大卖。小公司正利用便宜的数字营销和灵活的承包生产商带来的优势，提供给消费者更健康的选择。根据研究公司尼尔森的数据，规模最小的两万家包装食品公司占了整个行业增长的一半左右。 与此同时，电子商务和欧洲折扣杂货商的崛起给食品零售商带来了压力，它们继而又向食品公司施压。以沃尔玛为首的商店正在利用大量数据推出越来越精致且价格低廉的自有品牌商品，并始终在促使食品公司降价。 卡夫亨氏的开局不错。营业利润率从2014年的15%飙升至2017年的24%。2017年，卡夫亨氏遭遇了第一次重大挫折，时任联合利华老板的保罗.波尔曼（Paul Polman）拒绝了该公司1430亿美元的求购。（联合利华明智地将注意力越来越多地放在美容和家用品而非食品上。）巨额收购计划落空，希斯转而专注于提高销售额这项基础工作，将更多资金投在广告、产品创新和卡夫亨氏的销售队伍上，但这侵蚀了利润。 同样惹人注目的是该公司150亿美元的新一轮减记，这等于承认公司各大品牌价值缩水。巴菲特表示他错误地判断了卡夫众多产品的价值。“管理团队设想的是，合并之后他们可以削减品牌维护所必需的开支，更不用说帮助品牌成长了，”瑞信银行的罗伯特·莫斯可（Robert Moskow）说道，“世界在他们那里发生了变化——零售商变了，消费者也变了。” 3G资本的方法似乎存在缺陷，但极少有食品公司能拿出一个成功的替代方案。各大公司尝试通过收购规模较小的公司来自我进化，这些收购交易的价格往往很高，而收效不一。例如，金宝汤（Campbell Soup）于2012年收购了果汁饮料生产商Bolthouse Farms，但现在又想把它卖掉。去年它收购了一家椒盐脆饼和爆米花公司Snyder's-Lance，以扩大零食业务。它的债务水平也相应上升。研究公司盛博称，实际上，金宝汤、康尼格拉（ConAgra）和通用磨坊（General Mills）的疯狂收购使得这些公司的杠杆率比卡夫亨氏还高。 卡夫亨氏现在希望通过收缩规模来实现增长：它计划在未来18个月剥离资产以改善资产负债表，以便能实现其他大规模交易。但美国证交会的传票显示，由于管理层难以达到大胆的目标，一些内部流程可能正在瓦解。大型交易能拯救美国食品公司的想法看起来越来越不可靠了。2014年在亨氏收购卡夫之前，两家公司的总营业利润约为65亿美元。现在，一定程度上由于公司自身无法控制的一些问题，卡夫亨氏预计2019年的利润将与合并前大致相同。
Three kingdoms, two empires 三国鼎立，两帝称雄 ★题目翻译： three kingdoms应该是借鉴了中国的《三国演义》，而中文翻译也同样借鉴了“三国鼎立”这个成语，相当于增补了一个动词； 后半部分的two empires则为了和前面对应，同样增补了动词“称雄”♂ 这个增补词语的选择与正文所讲述的内容有关，主要讲了中国三大互联网公司的发展现状，其中阿里巴巴和腾讯发展势头迅猛而百度则被甩开，所以这里取“称雄”作为动词。THERE was a time, not that long ago, when China’s big internet companies were dismissed by investors in Silicon Valley as marginal firms with a tendency to copy Western products. Not any more . Today they are monsters with increasingly hefty international ambitions . 就在不久前，硅谷的投资者还根本不把中国的大型互联网公司放在眼里，认为它们不过是些边缘企业，往往都是照搬西方的产品。时过境迁，今天这些中国互联网公司已经长成了猛兽，在国际市场上的野心不断膨胀。 ★单词 dismiss : V-T If you dismiss something, you decide or say that it is not important enough for you to think about or consider. 不予理会，比如： Mr. Wakeham dismissed the reports as speculation. 韦克厄姆先生把这些报道当作臆测而不予理会。 其他常用含义： 解雇 V-T When an employer dismisses an employee, the employer tells the employee that they are no longer needed to do the job that they have been doing. marginal : ADJ If you describe people as marginal, you mean that they are not involved in the main events or developments in society because they are poor or have no power. 无足轻重的，比如： The tribunals were established for the well-integrated members of society and not for marginal individuals. 这个特别法庭是为社会中的主流人群设立的，而不是为了无足轻重的小人物。 其他常用含义： 边际的 ADJ Marginal activities, costs, or taxes are not the main part of a business or an economic system, but often make the difference between its success or failure, and are therefore important to control. 边际的 hefty : ADJ Hefty means large in size, weight, or amount. 庞大的; 沉重的，比如： She was quite a hefty woman. 她是个相当高大的女人。 其他常用含义: 有力的 ADJ A hefty movement is done with a lot of force. ★翻译tips as-这里把介词翻译成了“认为”，动词化。 with a tendency：译为频度副词“往往”，而不是直译成“有…的趋势”。 Not any more. 英文文章中常见的一句话，“时过境迁”是个值得积累的中文表达，意思是随着时间推移，情况发生了变化。 international ambitions：增译，只译为“国际野心”没有任何含义，在根据语境增译了“市场”，意思就通顺了。Alibaba, China’s biggest e-commerce group, handles more transactions each year than do eBay and Amazon combined. Jack Ma, its chairman, pledges to serve 2bn consumers around the world within 20 years. Tencent, which specialises in online games and social media, is now the world’s tenth most valuable public firm , worth some $275bn. Pony Ma (no relation), its chairman, wants China to “preside over the global tech revolution of the future”. But as the two firms become global forces, the third member of China’s “ BAT” trio of internet giants, Baidu, an online-search firm that came to dominate the mainland market after Google left the country to avoid censorship, is lagging behind. 中国最大的电商集团阿里巴巴每年处理的交易量超过eBay和亚马逊的总和，董事局主席马云承诺要在20年内为全球20亿消费者提供服务。专注网络游戏和社交媒体的腾讯公司现在是世界第十大最有价值的上市公司，市值约2750亿美元。董事长马化腾（和马云不是亲戚）希望中国能“领导未来的全球科技革命”。中国互联网三巨头“BAT”中的第三位是百度。谷歌为避免审查制度退出中国后，百度便称霸中国大陆的在线搜索市场。另外两大巨头已成为国际大公司，百度却落在人后。 ★单词 马云、马化腾有“二马”之称，在外刊中一般都只使用他们的英文名字，前者Jack Ma，后者Pony Ma public firm ：上市公司。go public 上市 preside over : to be in a position of authority at a time when important things are happening 负责（重要局面），比如： The government seemed to be presiding over large-scale unemployment. 政府似乎正面临着大规模的失业状况。 其他含义： 1）to be the head of a company or organization 掌管，管辖，领导 2）to be in charge of a meeting or activity 主持 BAT trio ： 1）trio：a set or group of three people or things三人组，三件套。主要是强调“三”这个概念，和原文中的trio of internet giants合起来就是常说的“三巨头”。Trio还有一个意思是“三重唱，三重奏”，与之相关的独唱（奏）、二重唱（奏）、四重唱（奏）分别是solo，duet，quartet 2）BAT-中国国内三大互联网公司，B-Baidu百度、A-Alibaba阿里巴巴、T-Tencent腾讯。 美国也有类似的三巨头，称为“GAF”,即：G-Google谷歌、A-Amazon亚马逊/A-Apple苹果、F-Facebook脸书。 bn=billion 十亿；mn=million 百万；tn=trillion 万亿/兆 ★长难句解析 Alibaba(主语), China’s biggest e-commerce group（同位语）, handles（谓语） more transactions（宾语） each year（时间状语） /than do eBay and Amazon combined(状语). 不好理解的点在于than后面的部分，do代替了前面的handle，combined作后置定语修饰eBay and Amazon表示二者加起来的。涉及比较的句子中，如果谓语动词是实义动词，那么than后面的比较对象的动词一般用do/did/does替代，并提到名词前面。 But as the two firms become global forces（状从）, the third member of China’s “BAT” trio of internet giants（主语）, Baidu（同位语）, an online-search firm（同位语）/ that came to dominate the mainland market after Google left the country to avoid censorship（定语从句，after是定从嵌套的状从）/, is lagging behind（主句谓语）. 这一句主语部分较长，官方的译文并没有严格按照英文的顺序进行翻译，而是根据中文的表达逻辑进行了调整。 1）先翻译the third member of China’s “BAT” trio of internet giants, Baidu将短语译成了句子。先翻这一句是因为前面分别介绍了阿里巴巴和腾讯，从这一句开始都是讲百度，所以先把句子的主要对象引出来，再去翻译它的情况。 2）an online-search firm that came to dominate the mainland market after Google left the country to avoid censorship 把定语从句和先行词也单独译成了一句。这一句主要按照时间顺序翻译，先说谷歌退出中国，再说百度占领市场，并且先行词和定从中的market进行了结合，避免重复介绍百度，同时说清楚了它所占领的是什么市场。 3）介绍了百度之前的情况之后，在翻译现在和另外两家公司的对比，But as the two firms become global forces以及is lagging behind两部分。 这一个长句的翻译很好的体现了中英文表达上逻辑的不同，这一句主要是按照以时间为线索，先介绍主体，再介绍主体过去和现在的情况。All three firms differ from their Western peers in important ways. First, Western companies usually prefer to focus on a few core areas, whereas Chinese internet firms typically try to do everything from cloud computing to digital payments. When this works, as with Tencent’s wildly successful app, WeChat, the results can be impressive. 这三家公司与西方同行在几个重要方面有所不同。首先，西方公司通常会聚焦几个核心领域，而中国互联网公司一般涉猎广泛，从云计算到数字支付无不尝试。这样的尝试一旦成功，结果便会非常可观，腾讯大获成功的应用微信即是如此。 ★单词 as with ：正如，如同…一样 ★翻译tips When this works, as with Tencent’s wildly successful app, WeChat, the results can be impressive. this-Chinese internet firms typically try to do everything from cloud computing to digital payments as…WeChat 插入语放到了后面翻译，先翻译从句和主句 Second, with the exception of political censorship , the internet sector in China is lightly regulated. Facebook, Apple and Google, in contrast, face increasing scrutiny. Chinese internet firms can achieve market domination of a sort that would attract close attention in other markets. 第二，抛开要接受政治审查这一点，中国互联网行业的监管较为宽松；而Facebook、苹果和谷歌则面临日益严格的审视。以中国互联网企业能达到的市场支配地位，换在其他市场，会受到监管机构的密切关注。 ★单词 censorship : N-UNCOUNT Censorship is the censoring of books, plays, movies, or reports, especially by government officials, because they are considered immoral or secret in some way. (官方对书刊、剧本、电影或新闻报道的) 审查，比如： The government today announced that press censorship was being lifted. 该政府今日宣告说正在撤销新闻审查。 中国的电影审查制度就用 film censorship；电影分级制度可以说film/motion picture rating system；（电影电视中）广告植入 product placement of a sort ：一种，一类，sort可看做等于market domination 其他含义：of sorts/of a sort 勉强称得上的，勉强算的，比如： I have a conversation of sorts with a very drunk man at the bus third difference is that they can succeed on a rapid and massive scale because the state-dominated economy is so inefficient. Often there is not even a physical infrastructure to leapfrog —so-called third-tier cities, for example, often lack big retail centres. Nationwide there is one shopping mall per people. 第三个区别是，由于国家主导的经济效率低下，中国互联网企业可以快速取得大规模成功。企业发展过程中通常甚至都没有挡路的实体机构，比如在所谓的三线城市，往往都缺少大型零售中心。中国每120万人才有一个大型购物中心。 ★单词 physical ：实体的。实体店-physical store leapfrog : V-T/V-I If one group of people leapfrogs into a particular position or leapfrogs someone else, they use the achievements of another person or group in order to make advances of their own. (利用别人成就) 超越，比如： It is already obvious that all four American systems have leapfrogged over the European versions. 显然，美国的全部4套系统已经超越了欧洲的版本。 third-tier ：三线城市；second-tier：二线城市。或者也可以说tier two/tier three city ★翻译tips: a physical infrastructure to leapfrog： 1)infrastructure 通常译为“基础设施”，既可以是可数名词也可以是不可数名词，原文前面加了a，所以译文将其具体化成“实体机构”，主要是指国有的机构。 2）按照顺序应该是“对企业来说甚至没有可以让其超越的实体机构”，译文直接转换了角度，将“企业去超越实体机构”转换成“挡路的实体机构”，更符合中文表达习惯。A huge home market has not stopped the trio from fighting bloody turf wars among each other. The outcome to this battle is rapidly becoming clear. Tencent and Alibaba are surging ahead; a series of own goals has left Baidu far behind. The common jibe about Baidu among local experts is that it is becoming the Yahoo of China, a once-dominant search giant that sank owing to a lack of innovation and a series of management blunders . 国内市场如此巨大，却仍未能阻止这三巨头相互厮杀抢夺地盘。这场战斗的结果正迅速明朗。腾讯和阿里巴巴遥遥领先，百度则因自己一连串的乌龙球而远远落后。国内专家最常用来挖苦百度的一个说法就是它正在变成中国的雅虎。雅虎一度是占据市场主导地位的搜索巨头，却因缺乏创新和一系列管理失误而沉沦。 ★单词 turf wars : a fight or argument over the areas or things you think belong to you 地盘之争 turf：N-UNCOUNT 1）Someone's turf is the area which is most familiar to them or where they feel most confident. 地盘; 活动范围，比如： Their turf was : its streets, theaters, homes, and parks. 他们的地盘是圣路易斯：它的街道、剧院、住宅和公园。 2）草皮 own goal ： 1）a goal that you accidentally score against your own team without intending to in a game of football, hockey etc. 乌龙球（足球、曲棍球等比赛中） 2）an action or remark that has the opposite effect from what you intended （不利于自己的）错事，蠢话，自打嘴巴 ，比如： The minister’s admission turned out to be a spectacular own goal. 这位部长的招认结果成了引人注目的自打嘴巴。 leave behind ：把…落在后面（常用被动），比如： In class, a child with poor eyesight can soon be left behind. 在课堂上，视力不好的孩子很快就会落在别人的后面。 近义词：lag behind 落后于（与be left behind同义），比如： Britain is lagging behind the rest of Europe. 英国落后于欧洲其他国家。 blunder ： 1）N-COUNT A blunder is a stupid or careless mistake. 愚蠢错误，比如： I think he made a tactical blunder by announcing it so far ahead of time. 我认为他如此提早宣布消息是犯了战术上的错误。——可以替换mistake 2）V-I If you blunder, you make a stupid or careless mistake. 犯愚蠢错误，比如： No doubt I had blundered again. 不用说我又犯了个蠢错。 3）V-I If you blunder into a dangerous or difficult situation, you get involved in it by mistake. 误入 (危险境地或困境)，比如： People wanted to know how they had blundered into war, and how to avoid it in the future. 人们想弄清他们怎么会错误地卷入战争，将来如何才能避免这样的事。 4）V-I If you blunder somewhere, you move there in a clumsy and careless way. 跌跌撞撞地走，比如： He had blundered into the table, upsetting the flowers. 他撞上了桌子，打翻了花。 ★翻译tips The common jibe about Baidu among local experts is that it is becoming the Yahoo of China, a once-dominant search giant that sank owing to a lack of innovation and a series of management blunders. 1）The common jibe about Baidu among local experts：国内专家最常用来挖苦百度的一个说法——jibe-词性转换，译为动词；增译“一个说法” 2）a once-dominant search giant that sank owing to a lack of innovation and a series of management blunders. 同位语，介绍Yahoo的情况，译文中以“雅虎”为主语重启一句。Its revenue growth fell to in 2016, down from 35% in 2015 and 54% in 2014. The firm gets some nine-tenths of its revenues from online ads, but this income is plunging as marketers redirect spending from search ads on Baidu to social-media networks like WeChat and mobile-commerce platforms run by Alibaba. Meanwhile, Baidu is burning cash trying to keep its various big bets on artificial intelligence (AI), online video, virtual and augmented-reality technologies, and “online to offline” (O2O) services going. One of China’s most respected business consultants is pessimistic about its future: “There is very little chance they’ll be relevant in five years.” 百度的收入增长率在2016年下降至，远低于2015年的35%和2014年的54%。公司收入约九成都来自在线广告，但由于商家把花在百度搜索广告的钱转投至微信这样的社交媒体网络以及阿里巴巴运营的移动商务平台，百度的收入大幅下滑。同时，百度还在烧钱维系它的几个大赌注：人工智能（AI）、在线视频、虚拟和增强现实技术，以及“线上到线下”（O2O）服务。中国最受尊敬的商业顾问之一对百度的未来持悲观态度：“五年以后很可能就没百度什么事了。” ★单词 burn cash ：花钱，烧钱。跟中文的“烧钱”意思相通。 ★翻译tips There is very little chance they’ll be relevant in five years. 五年以后很可能就没百度什么事了 正说反译，原句中未出现not之类的否定词，而在翻译中则用到了“没”这个中文中的否定词。
PEACOCKS strut; bowerbirds build lovenests; spiders gift-wrap flies in silk. Such courtship rituals play an important role in what Charles Darwin called sexual selection: when the female of a species bears most of the costs of reproduction, males use extravagant displays and gifts to demonstrate their “reproductive fitness” and females choose between them. For human males, shards of a crystalline form of carbon often feature. A diamond engagement ring signals a man’s taste, wealth and commitment, all to persuade a woman that he is a good bet. 孔雀昂首阔步；园丁鸟建起爱巢；蜘蛛吐丝把苍蝇包起来作为礼物。这样的求爱仪式在达尔维所说的“性选择”中扮演着重要的角色：当一个物种的词性为繁殖承担了大部分代价时，雄性会极尽炫耀之能事，并伴之以礼物，来展现自己的“生殖适合度”，而雌性则会从它们当中挑选。对男性而言，碳晶体碎颗粒往往是求爱过程的重头戏。一枚订婚钻戒彰显一个男人的品味、财富和承诺，所有这些都是为了让女人相信他是个好的选择。 Strut 趾高气扬地走：He struts around town like he owns the place.他在城里趾高气扬地走着，好像他拥有着这地方似的。 它可以是及物动词，表示支撑，撑开，比如：The holes were close-boarded and strutted.那些洞被木板紧密围封并加有支撑。 它可以做名词，表示建筑物的支柱，比如：...the struts of a suspension bridge.…一座悬索桥的支柱。 gift-wrap ：用花纸(或缎带等装饰品)包装(用作礼物的商品)；把…包装得美观花哨。 Ritual 宗教仪式; 典礼。这个词还有形容词性，仪式性的，传统的，比如：..fasting and ritual dancing.…斋戒和仪式性舞蹈。 sexual selection 性选择，不能翻译成“性别选择”，性选择和性别选择是两个概念。性别选择是sex selection，一般是指人工选择胎儿的性别。 Display 动物求偶的炫耀行为，比如：The teal were indulging in delightful courtship displays野鸭忘情地做着愉快的求爱动作。 Shard : （玻璃、陶瓷或金属的）碎片；Crystalline: 晶体的，水晶般的，比如：Diamond is the crystalline form of the element carbon.钻石是碳元素的晶体结构。 Feature 这里是不及物动词，意思是，（在……中）起重要作用，比如：The latest movies from British directors feature in the current film season.由英国导演执导的最新影片是这个电影季的重头戏。 bet ：（非正式）有可能成功的人选（或备选行动），比如：Tom looked a good bet for victory.看上去汤姆是一个很有成功希望的人选 Your best bet is to call the official liquidators.找官方的资产清算人应是你的首选。 This particular courtship gift was dreamed up by an ad agency for De Beers, the cartel that sold almost all of the world’s diamonds throughout the 20th century. In the 1930s it started to promote a link between diamonds and marriage. Diamonds’ unmatched hardness would symbolise love’s endurance and their “fire”, or brilliance, its passion. Two months’ salary, the firm suggested, was what the ring should cost—a good investment since, as the admen said, “A diamond is forever.” 钻石作为求爱礼物是一家广告公司为戴比尔斯(De Beers) 编织的想象。整个20世纪全世界几乎所有的钻石都由这一垄断组织售出。20世纪30年代，它开始宣传钻石和婚姻之间的联系。钻石无与伦比的硬度象征着爱的恒久，而钻石的“火彩”即光彩则象征着爱的热烈。该公司建议，男士们应该花两个月的薪水来买一枚戒指，而且就像广告词所说的那样，“钻石恒久远，一颗永流传”，买钻戒还会是个不错的投资。 Dream up : 虚构出; 凭空设想出。I dreamed up a plan to solve both problems at once.我想出了一个可以立刻解决这两个问题的计划。 Cartel 卡特尔; 同业联盟。...a drug cartel.…药业联盟。 “卡特尔”这个词现在也被赋予了垄断企业集团的意义：垄断利益集团、垄断联盟、企业联合、同业联盟（Cartel）也称卡特尔，是垄断组织的一种表现形式，是由一系列生产类似产品的企业组成的联盟，通过某些协议或规定来控制该产品的产量和价格。 Diamonds’ unmatched hardness would symbolise love’s endurance and their “fire”, or brilliance, its passion.这是一个 谓语省略结构 。如果后句谓语部分与前句谓语部分完全一样，后句谓语部分就可以全部省略。例如： John is eating an apple and Petter（is eating） an orange．约翰在吃苹果，彼得在吃桔子。 Some turned to the left and others（turned） to the right．一些向左转，而另一些向右转。 Mary looked sad； but Tom（looked） happy．玛丽看上去悲哀，但汤姆却高兴。 Reading means a full man； conference（means）a ready man；and writing （means） an exact man．阅读使人知识丰富，辩论使人头脑敏捷，书写使人精确。 这句也是省略了谓语，如果补充完整就是 their “fire”, or brilliance, would symbolize its passion. Or brilliance是个插入语，fire和brilliance还有hardness都是钻石方面的专业术语，火彩、亮度、硬度。要按照这个名词去翻译。其他和钻石品质相关的术语还有：净度 Clarity, 克拉重量 Carat 切工 Cut。 Now, that promise is dimming. Though a growing Chinese middle class will probably prop up demand for a while, millennials in Western countries seem keener on memorable experiences than on bling. Diamonds’ image has been blemished by some being mined in warzones and sold to pay for the fighting. Meanwhile, laboratory-grown “synthetic” diamonds, long fit only for industrial use, are becoming good enough to compete with gems from out of the ground. 现在，这一允诺暗淡下来。尽管日渐壮大的中国中产阶级可能会在一段时间里支撑起需求，但比起锦衣美钻，西方国家的千禧一代似乎更热衷难忘的经历。有些钻石是在战乱地区开采的，卖掉它们是为战争买单，钻石的形象因此沾上污点。与此同时，在实验室里制成、一直以来仅适用于工业用途的“合成”钻石，正变得足以与地下出产的宝石相媲美。 Promise 此处是双关。一个是承诺，上文阐述的钻石与婚姻爱情之间的联系，钻石恒久远的这种承诺。Promise还有前途前景的意思，对应上文说的a good investment，所谓好投资就是升值前景好，而且后面也在说钻石受到了各方的冲击，说明这个投资前景可能不乐观了。 Though a growing Chinese middle class will probably prop up demand for a while, millennials in Western countries seem keener on memorable experiences than on bling. 意群先划分一下： Though（引导让步状语从句） /a growing Chinese middle class （从句主语）/will probably prop up （从句谓语）/demand （宾语）/for a while（时间状语）, millennials in Western countries /（主句主语）seem keener on （主句谓语）/memorable experiences than on bling. Bling 奢华高档的首饰或服装：Big-name jewellers are battling it out to get celebrities to wear their bling.大牌珠宝商们为了让名人们戴他们的高档首饰正在一争高下。 ...gangsta rap's love of bling-bling.…匪帮说唱乐手对奢华高档服饰的热爱。 这里就是指钻石了。 Blemish : 破坏……的完美外观，玷污，可引申为损害：My main problem was a blemished skin. 我的主要问题是皮肤有瑕疵。 Mine 采掘：The pit is being shut down because it no longer has enough coal that can be mined economically.那个煤矿要关闭了，因为储量不足，难以经济开采。 But the long-term threat to diamonds’ lustre is more surprising: that their price could plummet. In recent years regulators (and market forces) have undermined De Beers’s cartel by limiting the share of other producers’ stones that it can buy. Now responsible for just a third of global sales, the company can no longer manage supply by stockpiling gems when demand turns down. It is spending less on advertising, since it no longer gets the lion’s share of the benefits. But the very value of diamonds lies in being scarce and coveted—that is, costly. 不过光彩夺目的钻石所面临的长期威胁要更令人惊讶：它们的价格可能会暴跌。最近几年监管机构（和市场力量）对戴比尔斯从其他生产商处购买钻石的份额做出限制，削弱了它的垄断力量。现在这家公司的销售量仅占全球的三分之一，已无法通过在需求下降时囤积宝石来管理供应。它的广告支出也在减少，因为它已不再占有最大份额的收益。但是钻石的价值恰恰在于它的稀有和人们对它的渴求，换言之，就是它的昂贵。 By limiting的逻辑主语应该是主句主语，也就是监管机构，是监管机构通过限制的方式，而不是这家公司去限制。 Stones 这里就是钻石。大概总结一下这篇文章到这里总共用了多少个词替换钻石相关的名词，gem, diamond, bling, stone, shards of a crystalline form of carbon. 平时自己看外刊的时候，也可以注意积累一下这种同类词的替换表达。 这里需要科普一个商业逻辑，也是当年这家公司的操盘手段。上世纪30年代，戴比尔斯发展成国际性钻石矿业公司，以其卓越的组织里和庞大的财力，联合各国独立矿山，形成一个采购与销售有控制力的大机构，在钻石的供求量上予以调节，在经济萧条时紧缩钻石的供应量，以维持钻石的价格不致下跌。在经济景气时放宽钻石的供应量，以满足市场需求，并抑制钻石价格的过分上涨，使钻石价格维持着稳定增长的势头，使钻石成为值得人们信任的投资。 这句话的大意是，从前，这家公司卖出了上世纪全世界的钻石，但如今份额只有三分之一了，说明它就算再怎么囤积，也只能控制顶多全球三分之一的供应量，无法再像以前一样呼风唤雨了。这就是market forces的作用。加上前一句说的监管机构的反垄断手段，限制它从其他制造商那里囤货，所以它的经营雪上加霜了。 Stockpile 大量储备：People are stockpiling food for the coming winter.人们正在为即将到来的冬天大量储备食物。 Responsible for 这里颇有点“承担”的意思：Gooch was responsible for 198 of his side’s 542 runs.古奇得了本队542（跑动）得分中的198分。 Lion’s share 最大份额，可以联想中文里的“狮子大开口”：Military and nuclear research have received the lion's share of public funding.军事研究和核研究得到了公共资助里最大的份额。 Converted 令人垂涎的：Allan Little from Radio 4 took the coveted title of reporter of the year.第4电台的艾伦·利特尔获得了令人垂涎的年度记者的头衔。 ...one of sport's most coveted trophies.…体育界最令人向往的奖杯之一。 In the jargon, they are “Veblen goods”, named after a 19th-century economist: prestige-enhancing trinkets for which a higher price encourages buyers. With most products, lower prices increase demand; with diamonds, they could kill it. Greater equality for women might seem to render male-courtship displays redundant. But mating preferences evolved over millennia and will not change quickly. If diamonds were to cease being a way to signal a man’s marriageability, what might take their place? 用行话说，它们属于“凡勃伦商品 (Veblen goods，以19世纪的一位经济学家的名字命名)”，指的是那种提高名望的小玩意儿，价格越高越能激发人们的购买欲。对于大多数商品来说，价格降低会提升需求；但对钻石来说，低价却可能扼杀需求。女性地位的提升看似令男性求偶的炫耀行为变得多余。但人类的择偶偏好历经数千年的演化，并不会迅速发生改变。如果钻石不再是一个男人适合结婚的信号，那什么会成为它的替代品？ jargon 行话：The manual is full of the jargon and slang of self-improvement courses.该手册中满是自我完善课程的行话和俚语。 Veblen good , 韦伯伦商品(Veblen Good)，又称炫耀财，是经济学上用以描述一种商品，其特色是商品需求与商品价格成正向关系，而非正常需求法则的反向关系。这种商品能满足人类的虚荣心，是财富与地位的炫耀，故称为炫耀性消费(Conspicuous consumption)。此名词源于其概念提出者托斯丹·范伯伦(Thorstein Veblen)。价格高昂的宝石、名车、名牌精品等奢侈品皆为韦伯伦商品的例子。 Name after 可以是因……而得名，以谁的名字命名，名字取自谁。 Prestige-enhancing 从字面理解是提升名望，意思就是说，你拥有的这个东西能够提升你的名望地位，让你很有面子，这就是“炫耀财”。 Trinke 价廉物美的首饰; 廉价小装饰物 With most products, lower prices increase demand; with diamonds, they could kill it. With 在这里的意思是“在……方面”。 Render 使成为; 使变得：It contained so many errors as to render it worthless.太多的错误使之变得毫无价值。 If diamonds were to cease being a way to signal a man’s marriageability, what might take their place? Were to 这是一个虚拟，如果省略if，were要提前倒装。 A different gift, perhaps. In China skewed sex ratios mean that a prospective bridegroom must own an apartment and shower his future in-laws with cash. But a glittering stone goes to the woman, not her family. And it is more than a gift: it is a status symbol, demonstrating that even as a man approaches（着手处理） the expenses of married life, he can still splash out on a bauble. Or a man could rely on more generic forms of display, such as a fancy degree, good job or sharp suit. But these can impress one woman as easily as another, or several simultaneously. He must show commitment—a need not unique to courtship. Salvadoran gangsters get extravagant tattoos; Japanese yakuza cut off a fingertip. These visible signs of allegiance make it hard to defect, and impose heavy costs. But as marriage proposals they would fall short. Few women would feel proud to carry around their fiancé’s severed pinkie. 或许是另一种形式的礼物。中国性别比例失衡，导致男性要当新郎必须得有房，此外还需向未来的岳父母奉上大笔现金。不过一颗闪闪发光的石头是送给女人的，并不是她的娘家。而且它不仅仅是一份礼物，还是一种身份的象征，表明即便一个男人要开始养家糊口了，他仍然会为一件小玩意一掷千金。或者，男人也可以依赖更通用的炫耀形式，比如高学历、好工作或是一身考究的西装。但这些可以打动一个女人，也可以打动另一个，或是同时打动好几个。他必须有所行动，以显示自己的忠诚。这一点不仅仅在求偶时才需要，比如萨尔瓦多的黑帮成员就会刺上繁复的纹身，日本的黑社会成员则要切掉一节手指。这些一望而知的效忠记号让人很难变节，为之付出的代价也很高昂，但作为求婚信物它们都还不够。极少会有女人觉得带着未婚夫切下来的小指头是件值得骄傲的事。 Skewed 曲解; 歪曲：The arithmetic of nuclear running costs has been skewed by the fall in the cost of other fuels.对核运行费用的计算因其他燃料费用的下降而出现了偏差。 Shower with 大量给予
不是每一个目标都会完全实现，也不是每一样工作都能够最终成功;接下来，我给大家准备了生命重在过程双语美文,欢迎大家参考与借鉴。
生命重在过程双语美文
If you have ever been discouraged because of failure, please read on.
For often, achieving what you set out to do is not the important thing. Let me explain.
Two brothers decided to dig a deep hole behind their house. As they were working, a couple of older boys stopped by to watch.
"What are you doing?" asked one of the visitors.
"We plan to dig a hole all the way through the earth!" one of the brothers volunteered excitedly.
The older boys began to laugh, telling the younger ones that digging a hole all the way through the earth was impossible.
After a long silence, one of the diggers picked up a jar full of spiders, worms and a wide assortment of insects. He removed the lid and showed the wonderful contents to the scoffing visitors.
Then he said quietly and confidently, "Even if we don't dig all the way through the earth, look what we found along the way!"
Their goal was far too ambitious, but it did cause them to dig. And that is what a goal is for-to cause us to move in the direction we have chosen; in other words, to set us to digging!
But not every goal will be fully achieved. Not every job will end successfully. Not every relationship will endure. Not every hope will come to pass. Not every love will last. Not every endeavor will be completed. Not every dream will be realized.
But when you fall short of your aim, perhaps you can say, "Yes, but look at what I found along the way! Look at the wonderful things which have come into my life because I tried to do something!"
It is in the digging that life is lived. And I believe it is joy in the journey, in the end, that truly matters.
中文：
如果你曾因失败沮丧过，请继续读下去。
完成你经常开始要做的事可不是大事，让我娓娓道来。
有兄弟俩人决定在他们房子后面挖一个深洞。就在他们不停挖洞时，几个年龄大点的男孩在附近停下来观看。
“你们在做什么?”其中一个问道。
“我们计划挖一个洞，一直穿过地球到达另一端!”兄弟俩中的一个兴奋地抢先说道。
这些大男孩开始大笑，告诉这两个兄弟挖洞穿过地球是不可能的。
长长的沉寂之后，其中一个挖掘者从洞里拿出一个装满蜘蛛、蠕虫和各种各样昆虫的罐子，他打开盖子把这些奇妙的东西展示给那些嘲讽者看。
然后他平静而又自信地说：“即使我们挖不到地球另一端，但看看我们途中发现的东西!”
他们的目标是太过于雄心勃勃了，但确实鼓励他们去做了。而这就是目标之所在——使我们朝着我们所选择的方向前进，换句话说，就是让我们去挖掘!
但不是每一个目标都会完全实现，也不是每一样工作都能够最终成功;不是每一种关系都能够持久，也不是每一丝希望都能够实现;不是每一次爱都能够天长地久，不是每一次努力都会硕果累累，也不是每一个梦想都能够实现。
但当你没有达到目标时，也许你可以说：“是的，但看看我们途中所发现的东西!看看这些因为我尽力去做而走进我生活的美妙东西!”
生命正是在挖掘的过程中才具有活力。而且我相信到最后真正要紧的还是过程中的乐趣。 相关 文章 ：
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来，我们一起来欣赏美文吧!接下来，我给大家准备了经典 美文欣赏 “渴望”双语,欢迎大家参考与借鉴。
经典美文欣赏“渴望”双语
By Laurie Lee
One of the major pleasures in life is appetite, and one of our major duties should be to preserve it. Appetite is the keenness of living; it is one of the senses that tells you that you are still curious to exist, that you still have an edge on your longings and want to bite into the world and taste its multitudinous flavours and juices.
By appetite, of course,I don’t mean just the lust for food, but any condition of unsatisfied desire, any burning in the blood that proves you want more than you’ve got, and that you haven’t yet used up your life. Wilde said he felt sorry for those who never got their heart’s desire, but sorrier still for those who did.
Appetite, to me, is that state of wanting, which keeps one’s expectations alive. In wanting a peach, or a whisky, or a particular texture or sound, or to be with a particular friend. For in this condition, of course, I know that the object of desire is always at its most flawlessly perfect. Which is why I would carry the preservation of appetite to the extent of deliberate fasting, simply because I think that appetite is too good to lose, too precious to be bludgeoned into insensibility by satiation and over-doing it.
Fasting is an act of homage to the majesty of appetite. So I think we should arrange to give up our pleasures regularly — our food, our friends, our lovers — in order to preserve their intensity, and the moment of coming back to them. For this is the moment that renews and refreshes both oneself and the thing one loves. Sailors and travellers enjoyed this once, and so did hunters, I suppose. Part of the weariness of modern life may be that we live too much on top of each other, and are entertained and fed too regularly.
Too much of anything — too much music, entertainment, happy snacks, or time spent with one’s friends — creates a kind of impotence of living by which one can no longer hear,or taste, or see, or love, or remember. Life is short and precious, and appetite is one of itsguardians, and loss of appetite is a sort of death. So if we are to enjoy this short life we should respect the divinity of appetite, and keep it eager and not too much blunted.
论“欲”
原著：(英)劳里·李(1914—1997)
欲之所尽，乃人生一大快事。欲之所存，乃人生一大追求。欲为何物?对生活的热诚，对万物的好奇以及渴望的热切。心中所想的是“吃”遍天下，尝尽世间的酸甜苦辣、人生百味。
欲者，并非专指食欲，而乃渴望而不及之状态，以及那证明你永不满足、活力依旧的满腔热血。王尔德曾言：梦不圆者我同情之，圆梦者我愈加同情之。
在我心里，欲即“向往进行时”——无时无刻不充满期待。一只蜜桃，一盏浊酒，一匹好布，一曲销魂，一友相伴，此等种.种，向往便是极乐。因我深知：向往之时，心中之人、之物总是处于完美无瑕的最高境界。正是因为此等向往，我甚至可以不吃不喝，以存食欲。只因欲之极乐，唯恐失去;欲之不易，唯恐纵欲饱食而失其敏锐。
禁欲乃是为了尊重欲望之庄严。因此，无论是对于佳肴美食，三朋四友，或是花前月下，我们都可以每隔一段时间，有意地节制其中之乐，以确保乐之强烈，留住重获极乐的时刻。唯有此时此刻，我们全身上下才焕然一新，我们心爱之人才光彩照人，我们心怡之物才令人耳目一新。此等快感，我想那些水手、旅客和猎人定深有体会。世人也许都看腻了彼此面孔，吃腻了山珍海味，所以充满着倦意。
凡事多不得—— 音乐欣赏 多了，娱乐享受多了，零食享用多了，或是与朋友相处久了，人就会变得对生活力不从心，再也无法聆听世间美妙的声音，无法品尝人间百味，无法饱览天下美景，无法经历花前月下，无法留住片片回忆。人生在世，短短数十年;生命可贵，需欲望之神将其守护。欲在人在，欲亡人亡。生命诚短暂，我们仍可乐在其中，只要我们将欲望之神供奉，让欲望之火熊熊燃烧，永不熄灭。
扩展：青色类英文词汇
青色 cerulean blue ; blue ; green
豆青 pea green; bean green
花青 flower blue
茶青 tea green
葱青 onion green
天青 celeste; azure
霁青 sky-clearing blue
石青 mineral blue
铁青 electric blue ; river blue
蟹青 turquoise ; ink blue
鳝鱼青 eel green
蛋青 egg blue
影青 misty blue; white blue
黛青 bluish
群青，伟青 ultramarine
暗青 dark blue; deep cerulean
藏青 navy blue; dark blue; Ming blue
靛青 indigo
大青 smalt
粉青 light greenish blue
鲜青 clear cerulean
浅青 light blue; light cerulean
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快乐的方式有很多种，不过什么才是真的快乐呢?接下来，我给大家准备了英译中 散文 另一种快乐,欢迎大家参考与借鉴。
英译中散文另一种快乐
A light drizzle was falling as my sister Jill and I ran out of the Methodist Church, eager to get home and play with the presents that Santa had left for us and our baby sister, Sharon. Across the street from the church was a Pan American gas station where the Greyhound bus stopped. It was closed for Christmas, but I noticed a family standing outside the locked door, huddled under the narrow overhang in an attempt to keep dry. I wondered briefly why they were there but then forgot about them as I raced to keep up with Jill.
Once we got home, there was barely time to enjoy our presents. We had to go off to our grandparents' house for our annual Christmas dinner. As we drove down the highway through town, I noticed that the family was still there, standing outside the closed gas station.
My father was driving very slowly down the highway. The closer we got to the turnoff for my grandparents' house, the slower the car went. Suddenly, my father U-turned in the middle of the road and said, "I can't stand it!"
"What?" asked my mother.
"It's those people back there at the Pan Am, standing in the rain. They've got children. It's Christmas. I can't stand it."
When my father pulled into the service station, I saw that there were five of them: the parents and three children - two girls and a small boy.
My father rolled down his window. "Merry Christmas," he said.
"Howdy," the man replied. He was very tall and had to stoop slightly to peer into the car. Jill, Sharon, and I stared at the children, and they stared back at us.
"You waiting on the bus?" my father asked.
The man said that they were. They were going to Birmingham, where he had a brother and prospects of a job.
"Well, that bus isn't going to come along for several hours, and you're getting wet standing here. Winborn's just a couple miles up the road. They've got a shed with a cover there, and some benches," my father said. "Why don't y'all get in the car and I'll run you up there."
The man thought about it for a moment, and then he beckoned to his family. They climbed into the car. They had no luggage, only the clothes they were wearing.
Once they settled in, my father looked back over his shoulder and asked the children if Santa had found them yet. Three glum faces mutely gave him his answer.
"Well, I didn't think so," my father said, winking at my mother, "because when I saw Santa this morning, he told me that he was having trouble finding all, and he asked me if he could leave your toys at my house. We'll just go get them before I take you to the bus stop."
All at once, the three children's faces lit up, and they began to bounce around in the back seat, laughing and chattering.
When we got out of the car at our house, the three children ran through the front door and straight to the toys that were spread out under our Christmas tree. One of the girls spied Jill's doll and immediately hugged it to her breast. I remember that the little boy grabbed Sharon's ball. And the other girl picked up something of mine. All this happened a long time ago, but the memory of it remains clear. That was the Christmas when my sisters and I learned the joy of making others happy.
My mother noticed that the middle child was wearing a short-sleeved dress, so she gave the girl Jill's only sweater to wear.
My father invited them to join us at our grandparents' for Christmas dinner, but the parents refused. Even when we all tried to talk them into coming, they were firm in their decision.
Back in the car, on the way to Winborn, my father asked the man if he had money for bus fare.
His brother had sent tickets, the man said.
My father reached into his pocket and pulled out two dollars, which was all he had left until his next payday. He pressed the money into the man's hand. The man tried to give it back, but my father insisted. "It'll be late when you get to Birmingham, and these children will be hungry before then. Take it. I've been broke before, and I know what it's like when you can't feed your family."
We left them there at the bus stop in Winborn. As we drove away, I watched out the window as long as I could, looking back at the little gihugging her new doll.
天上下着毛毛细雨，我和姐姐吉尔跑出卫理公会教堂，满心只想着快点回到家玩圣诞老人给我们和小妹妹莎伦准备的礼物玩具。教堂的对面是泛美油站，灰狗长途汽车会在那里中途停站。因为是 圣诞节 ，那天油站没开，不过我发现在紧锁的站门外站着一家人，他们挤在狭小的檐篷下，想尽量不被雨淋湿。我闪过一个疑问，他们为什么站在那里呢?但在我赶上吉尔的时候也就把这个疑团抛诸脑后了。
回到家后其实根本没时间让我们尽情把玩礼物，因为我们马上又得去爷爷奶奶家共进一年一度的圣诞大餐。在开车经过刚才那条大路时，我看到那一家人仍然站在紧闭的油站门外。
在那主干道上爸爸的车开得很慢。越接近去爷爷奶奶家的分岔路口，车子就越慢。突然，爸爸在半路中途来了个180度转弯，把车子原路驶回，他说："我实在不忍心!
"什么?"妈妈问他。
"那几个在雨中站在泛美油站外的人。他们还带着小孩呢。圣诞节当前，我真的不忍心啊。"
爸爸把车开到油站旁停下，我看见那一家总共有5个人：父母俩和三个孩子--两个女孩跟一个小男孩。
爸爸摇下车窗对他们说："圣诞快乐!"
"你好，"那个男人回了一句。他长得很高，要稍微弯下腰来往我们车里瞧。我和吉尔、莎伦盯着那几个小孩，他们也瞪眼看着我们。
"你们在等汽车吗?"爸爸问他们。
男人回答说是，他们准备去伯明翰，他有个哥哥在那边，而且期望能谋到一份工作。
"汽车起码要好几个小时后才到这里，站在这儿等车你们都会淋湿的。往前几英里就是温邦站，那儿有个棚屋，有地方避雨，还有些板凳。不如上车我送你们到那里吧。"
男人想了一下然后示意他家人过来。他们钻进车里，除了身上穿着的衣服，他们没有任何行李。
等他们坐好了，爸爸转过头来问那几个孩子，圣诞老人找到他们没有。三张忧郁的脸无声地回答了他。
"我看不是吧，"爸爸边说边向妈妈眨眼暗示，"早上我碰到圣诞老人了，他说找不到你们，想把给你们的礼物暂时放到我们家里来。现在咱们就去拿礼物吧，待会儿我再送你们去车站。
三个孩子的脸顿时阴霾尽散，还在后排座位蹦蹦跳跳，笑笑嚷嚷起来。
到了我家一下车，那三个孩子穿过大门就直奔摆在圣诞树下的礼物。其中一个小女孩发现了吉尔的洋娃娃礼物，马上把它抱入怀中。我记得那小男孩抓走了莎伦的小球，而另外一个女孩就挑走了一件我的东西。这些都是很久很久以前的事了，然而回忆起来还是那么清晰，因为在那个圣诞日我和我的姐妹领会到了让别人快乐而获得的愉悦。
妈妈看到他们家老二穿着的裙子是短袖的，便把吉尔仅有的毛衣给了她穿。
爸爸邀请他们一起去爷爷奶奶家吃圣诞大餐，但他们两夫妇拒绝了。就算怎么游说，他们还是坚拒了我们的好意。
回到车里在去温邦的路上爸爸问那男人有没有钱买车票。
他说哥哥寄了车票来。
爸爸从口袋里掏出仅有的两美元，本来是我们要熬到下次发工资的，他却把这钱塞到了男人的手里。男人想把钱推回来，但爸爸硬要他收下。"等你们到伯明翰就已经很晚了，路上孩子们会饿的。收下吧，我以前也曾一贫如洗，让家人挨饿的滋味不好受，我知道的。"
把他们送到温邦的车站后，我们就开车离开了。我从车窗回望良久，凝望着那小女孩拥着她的新洋娃娃。 相关 文章 ：
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6. 长篇美文英语唯美文章带翻译
Macroeconomics is a sub-field of economics that examines the behavior of the economy as a whole, once all of the individual economic decisions of companies and industries have been summed. Economy-wide phenomena considered by macroeconomics include Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and how it is affected by changes in unemployment, national income, rate of growth, and price levels. In contrast, microeconomics is the study of the economic behaviour and decision-making of individual consumers, firms, and industries. Macroeconomics can be used to analyze how to influence government policy goals such as economic growth, price stability, full employment and the attainment of a sustainable balance of payments. Macroeconomics is sometimes used to refer to a general approach to economic reasoning, which includes long term strategies and rational expectations in aggregate behavior. Until the 1930s most economic analysis did not separate out individual economics behavior from aggregate behavior. With the Great Depression of the 1930s, suffered throughout the developed world at the time, and the development of the concept of national income and product statistics, the field of macroeconomics began to expand. Particularly influential were the ideas of John Maynard Keynes, who formulated theories to try to explain the Great Depression. Before that time, comprehensive national accounts, as we know them today, did not exist . One of the challenges of economics has been a struggle to reconcile macroeconomic and microeconomic models. Starting in the 1950s, macroeconomists developed micro-based models of macroeconomic behavior (such as the consumption function). Dutch economist Jan Tinbergen developed the first comprehensive national macroeconomic model, which he first built for the Netherlands and later applied to the United States and the United Kingdom after World War II. The first global macroeconomic model, Wharton Econometric Forecasting Associates LINK project, was initiated by Lawrence Klein and was mentioned in his citation for the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in 1980. Theorists such as Robert Lucas Jr suggested (in the 1970s) that at least some traditional Keynesian (after British economist John Maynard Keynes) macroeconomic models were questionable as they were not derived from assumptions about individual behavior, although it was not clear whether the failures were in microeconomic assumptions or in macroeconomic models. However, New Keynesian macroeconomics has generally presented microeconomic models to shore up their macroeconomic theorizing, and some Keynesians have contested the idea that microeconomic foundations are essential, if the model is analytically useful. An analogy might be that the fact that quantum phisics is not fully consistent with relativity theory doesn´t mean that realtivity is false. Many important microeconomic assumptions have never been proved, and some have proved wrong. The various schools of thought are not always in direct competition with one another - even though they sometimes reach differing conclusions. Macroeconomics is an ever evolving area of research. The goal of economic research is not to be "right," but rather to be accurate. It is likely that none of the current schools of economic thought perfectly capture the workings of the economy. They do, however, each contribute a small piece of the overall puzzle. As one learns more about each school of thought, it is possible to combine aspects of each in order to reach an informed synthesis. The traditional distinction is between two different approaches to economics: Keynesian economics, focusing on demand; and supply-side (or neo-classical) economics, focusing on supply. Neither view is typically endorsed to the complete exclusion of the other, but most schools do tend clearly to emphasize one or the other as a theoretical foundation. • Keynesian economics focuses on aggregate demand to explain levels of unemployment and the business cycle. That is, business cycle fluctuations should be reduced through fiscal policy (the government spends more or less depending on the situation) and monetary policy. Early Keynesian macroeconomics was "activist," calling for regular use of policy to stabilize the capitalist economy, while some Keynesians called for the use of incomes policies. • Supply-side economics delineates quite clearly the roles of monetary policy and fiscal policy. The focus for monetary policy should be purely on the price of money as determined by the supply of money and the demand for money. It advocates a monetary policy that directly targets the value of money and does not target interest rates at all. Typically the value of money is measured by reference to gold or some other reference. The focus of fiscal policy is to raise revenue for worthy government investments with a clear recognition of the impact that taxation has on domestic trade. It places heavy emphasis on Say's law, which states that recessions do not occur because of failure in demand or lack of money. • Monetarism, led by Milton Friedman, which holds that inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon. It rejects fiscal policy because it leads to "crowding out" of the private sector. Further, it does not wish to combat inflation or deflation by means of active demand management as in Keynesian economics, but by means of monetary policy rules, such as keeping the rate of growth of the money supply constant over time. • New Keynesian economics, which developed partly in response to new classical economics, strives to provide microeconomic foundations to Keynesian economics by showing how imperfect markets can justify demand management. • Austrian economics is a laissez-faire school of macroeconomics. It focuses on the business cycle that arises from government or central-bank interference that leads to deviations from the natural rate of interest. • Post-Keynesian economics represents a dissent from mainstream Keynesian economics, emphasizing the role of uncertainty and the historical process in macroeconomics. • New classical economics. The original theoretical impetus was the charge that Keynesian economics lacks microeconomic foundations -- . its assertions are not founded in basic economic theory. This school emerged during the 1970s. This school asserts that it does not make sense to claim that the economy at any time might be "out-of-equilibrium". Fluctuations in aggregate variables follow from the individuals in the society continuously re-optimizing as new information on the state of the world is revealed. Later yielded an explicit school which argued that macro-economics does not have micro-economic foundations, but is instead the tool of studying economic systems at equilibrium. 宏观经济学是一种分场经济学的行为,研究是在整个经济中,一旦所有的个人的经济决策,为公司和产业被。宏观经济学认为经济现象包括国内生产总值(GDP)以及它是如何变化影响失业的国民收入的)经济成长率、价格水平。相反,微观经济学研究的就是经济行为和决策的个体消费者,公司和行业。宏观经济学可以用来分析如何影响政府的政策的目标,比如经济增长,价格稳定,充分就业和获取可持续国际收支差额。宏观经济学有时用来指一个经济理论的主要途径,包括长期战略的期望和理性综合行为。直到30年代为止,大部分的经济分析没有独立的个人经济综合行为举止。与1930年代的经济大萧条,遭受了在所有发达国家,发展国民收入的概念和产品的统计数据,但是研究领域的宏观经济学开始扩展。具有特殊影响力的想法是,约翰•梅纳德凯恩斯理论,努力向他们解释制定了经济大萧条。在那时候,综合国民经济核算,如同我们知道他们今天,是不存在的。经济学的一个挑战是一场斗争调和宏观经济政策和微观经济政策,模型。开始于20世纪50年代,macroeconomists发达micro-based模型的宏观经济行为(如消费函数)。1月Tinbergen荷兰经济学家第一个全面发展国家宏观经济模型,该模型他第一次建成为荷兰和后应用于美国和英国二战之后。第一个全球宏观经济模型,沃顿计量预测伙伴联系工程项目,发生在劳伦斯发起克莱恩和被提及他的嘉奖经济学诺贝尔经济学奖1980年。理论家如罗伯特·卢卡斯认为(是在上世纪70年代),认为至少有一些传统的凯恩斯(英国经济学家约翰梅纳德凯恩斯)宏观经济模型都是可疑的,因为他们不是来源于假设的个人行为,虽然现在还不清楚这些失败在微观经济的假定,或是对宏观经济模型。然而,最新凯恩斯主义的宏观微观模型提出了大致以支持他们的宏观经济理论有争议,一些凯恩斯主义者的想法,微观经济基础是必要的,如果模型是分析有用的。打个比方可能是,这样的事实,即量子phisics并不完全符合相对论´,并不代表没有realtivity是假的。许多重要的微观经济假设从来没有被证明,而有些人的证明是错误的。各种各样的思想学派并不总是在彼此的直接竞争,尽管他们有时会达到不同的结论。宏观经济学是一种前所未有的领域的研究。研究经济学的目标不是"正确",而是是精确的。很有可能是学校目前尚无一个经济思想完全捕捉运作方式的经济。不过,他们的贡献每一小块整体难题。当你学会更多关于每个思想学派,它能把方面的每一个为了达到一个通知的合成。传统的区别是留给经济学两种不同的方法,重点凯恩斯经济学和供方需求;(或古典)经济学、关注供应。也都是典型的观点完全排除其他,但大多数学校都往往清晰地强调一个或另一个是的理论基础。•凯恩斯经济学交融在总需求,以解释失业率和商业周期。商业周期波动,应减少通过财政政策(政府花费或多或少根据实际情况)和货币政策。早期凯恩斯主义的宏观经济学是“活动家,定期使用《召唤的政策稳定资本主义经济,虽然有些凯恩斯主义要求使用收入政策。•供给的经济学的作用很明显地在当前货币政策与财政政策。关注于货币政策应该是完全对价格的钱所确定的货币供应的需求的特点,为了金钱。它提倡货币政策,直接目标钱的价值,不目标利率。典型的钱的价值在于用参考金或其他参考。财政政策的重点是提高政府农业投资价值的收入为一个明确的认识税收的影响在国内贸易。它设置了过度强调了说的法律,它表明不会发生经济衰退需求下降、因为没有缺钱。•货币主义的带领下,由弗里德曼,认为始终通货膨胀是一种货币现象。财政政策拒绝,因为会导致“挤退”的私人生活。此外,它不希望对抗通货膨胀或通货紧缩采用主动需求管理在凯恩斯经济学,通过货币政策规则,即坚持的增长速度恒定的钱。凯恩斯•新经济发达的部分原因是为了适应新古典经济学、致力于提供凯恩斯现代经济学的微观经济基础显示出了市场的不完善就能名正言顺的需求管理等。•奥地利经济学是个自由放任主义的学校的宏观经济。它侧重于商业周期,而政府或中央银行的干扰导致偏离自然失业率的兴趣。•Post-Keynesian经济学所代表了凯恩斯经济学主流的作用,强调历史过程中不确定性和宏观经济。•新古典经济学。原理论动力的费用是凯恩斯经济学缺乏有效的微观经济基础——亦即其断言不成立于基本经济理论。这所学校出现在20世纪70年代。这所学校断言它是没有道理的主张经济会随时out-of-equilibrium”。波动的总变量遵从的在这个社会的个人不断re-optimizing新信息的状态的世界就会显现出来。后来取得了一个显式学校一样,认为宏观经济学没有微观经济基础,反而学习经济系统的工具在平衡。
Health careA new prescription for the poor为贫穷者新开的处方America is developing a two-tier health system, one for those with private insurance, the other for the less well-off美国正在发展一个双重的健康系统，一重是为那些有个人保险的人群，而另一重则是为那些不那么富裕的人群Oct 8th 2011 | NEW YORK | from the print edition“IT’S time for Dancing with the Stars!”, a woman announces enthusiastically. At this New York health centre, wedged between housing projects to the east and Chinatown to the west, “dancing with the stars” means dancing with a physical therapist. An old man stands up with a nurse and begins a determined samba.“是时候和明星一起跳舞了！”一位女士满怀热情地宣告。在这个坐落于房屋工程的西面，唐人街东面的纽约健康中心，“和明星起舞”的意思是和一位物理治疗师跳舞。一位老者和一个护士站起来，开始跳事先确定好的桑巴舞。Comprehensive Care Management (CCM), which runs this centre, tries to keep old people active. To do so, explains Joseph Healy, the chief operating officer, is in the company’s best interest. The government pays CCM a capped rate for the care of its members. If someone gets sick, his health costs rise and the company’s margin shrinks. Mr Healy argues that the system is the best way to provide good care at a low cost. Increasingly others seem to agree.经营这个中心的综合护理管理部门（CCM）努力保持老人们的活力。约瑟夫-海莉，首席运营官解释说，这样做符合公司的最佳利益。政府给这个部门一个封顶的津贴来让他们照顾这些人。如果有人生病了，他的健康成本就会上升，公司的利润就会萎缩。海莉先生确定说这个系统能够在一个低成本上提供最佳的护理。其他人也逐渐同意这个观点。Medicaid, America’s health programme for the poor, is in the process of being transformed. Over the next three years, New York will move its entire Medicaid population into “managed care”, paying companies a set rate to tend to the poor, rather than paying a fee for each service. New York is not alone. States from California to Mississippi are expanding managed care. It is the culmination of a steady shift in the way most poor Americans receive their health-care treatment.公共医疗补助，即美国的穷人健康计划，正在被改造的过程中。在接下来的 三年内，纽约将把整个接受穷人健康计划的人群纳入“管理关怀”之中，付给公司们一个事先定好的费用来照顾那些穷人，而不是按照项目来付费。纽约不是唯一这样做的州。加州，密西西比州正在拓展管理关怀计划。这代表一种正在进行中的稳步转变，即大部分贫穷美国人接受健康关怀方式的转变。Medicaid is America’s single biggest health programme. This year roughly one in five Americans will be covered by Medicaid for a month or more. It gobbles more federal and local money than any state programme, other than education. Costs will rise even more when Barack Obama’s health-care reform expands the programme by easing eligibility rules in 2014. Congress’s “supercommittee” is already considering cuts. However, there are more immediate pressures behind the present drive for change.公共医疗补助是美国最大的单一健康计划。今年，五个美国人中的一个就会被纳入该计划一个月或更长时间。除了教育之外，它比其他任何州的财政计划耗去更多联邦和地方的经费。当2014年奥巴马的健康保险改革放宽适用人群而使整个计划更加庞大的时候，成本将会进一步上升。众议院的“超级委员会”已经在考虑削减经费。然而，选择这种变化，将会有更多即刻的压力存在。Enrolment in Medicaid jumped during the downturn, from in December 2007 to in June 2010. Mr Obama’s stimulus bill helped to pay for some of this, but that money has dried up. Faced with gaping deficits, some desperate governors slashed payments to hospitals and doctors, or refused to pay for trips to the dentist or oculist. But much the most important result has been structural: the expansion of managed care.公共医疗补助计划的参与人数在经济滑坡期间从2007年12月的 4270万人跳到了2010年6月的5030万人。奥巴马先生的经济刺激经费能够帮助付掉其中的一部分，但是钱已经被用光。面对资金短缺，一些绝望的州长砍掉了给医院和医生的补助，或是拒绝支付牙医和眼科医生的旅行费用。但是，更多地，最重要的结果是结构上的：管理关怀的拓展。States have dabbled in managed care for decades. The trend accelerated in the 1990s, with the share of Medicaid patients under this form of care reaching 72% by 2009. Now, however, there is a strong push for the remainder. States that did not have managed care, such as Louisiana, are introducing it. Other states are extending it to people previously deemed off limits: California and New York, for example, are moving the elderly and disabled into that system of care. Texas is targeting more than 400,000 Medicaid beneficiaries in the Rio Grande Valley. Local politicians had resisted the move, nervous that care might deteriorate. But the yawning deficit meant that they were overruled.各个州涉足管理关怀已经有几十年的历史了。这个趋势在90年代得到加速发展，在2009年前使用这种护理方式的公共医疗补助病人占到了72%。现在，对于剩下的人，这也是很强的推动力。像路易斯安那州这样没有管理关怀的州正在引进管理关怀。其他州也把这个拓展到原先被认为不适用的人群：举例说像加州和纽约州，正在把老人和残障人士纳入这个系统中，德州的目标是在格兰德河谷超过400000公共医疗补助收益人群。地方政治家反对这个举动，他们担心这个护理系统将会变质。但是巨大的赤字意味着他们的观点注定要被批驳。The result is a country with two distinct tiers of health care. Most Americans with private insurance are still horrified by thoughts of health-management organisations and prefer to pay fees for each medical service. For the poor, managed care is becoming the norm.结果就是一个国家有两套截然不同的健康保险系统。大多数有个人保险的美国人仍旧害怕那些健康管理组织的想法而宁愿为单独的医疗服务付费。对于穷人来说，管理关怀已经成为一种常规。Advocates of managed care have high expectations. First, they hope that it will make costs more predictable. Second, they believe that the change will improve patients’ health. In managed care, a patient has a network of doctors and specialists. If the programme works properly, doctors can monitor all aspects of care, in contrast to the fragmented fee-for-service system. The contracts that states have with firms can set standards for quality. Texas, for instance, will cut 5% from a company’s payment if it does not meet what is required.管理关怀的鼓吹者有着很高的期待。首先，他们希望这能让成本变得可以预测，其次，他们相信，这个改变可以改善病人的健康。在管理关怀中，一个病人有一个由医生和专家组成的网络。如果这个计划运行良好，医生可以监测关怀的各个方面，相对于分离的的按服务付钱的系统来说。州政府和公司的合同可以为质量定下标准。德州，举例说，将会在付款中扣除5%如果公司没有达到要求的标准。The next step is to integrate care for those eligible for both Medicaid and Medicare, the federal programme for the old. These “duals” account for almost 40% of Medicaid’s costs and just 15% of its population. “If managed care can really deliver better care than fee-for-service”, says Diane Rowland, chair of the commission that advises Congress on Medicaid, “this is the population that could prove it.”下一步是整合那些同时符合公共医疗补助和长者医疗补助计划（联邦老人医疗补助）的人群。这些“双符合”人群占据了将近40%的公共医疗补助成本和仅仅15%的人口数量。“如果管理关怀能真正比按项目付费带来更好的服务”，戴安-罗兰德，委员会（指导国会在公共医疗补助政策上进行决策）主任说：“这是一群能证明管理关怀可行的人。”But some, such as Norma Vescovo, are sceptical. As the head of the non-profit Independent Living Centre of Southern California (ILCSC), Ms Vescovo serves Medicaid patients with severe health problems. Over the years she has often sued California on policies that she thinks will hurt her vulnerable clients. On October 3rd her case moved to the Supreme Court.但是一些人，例如像诺玛-凡斯科夫就对此表示怀疑。作为非盈利的南加州独立生活中心主任，凡斯科夫女士服务于那些有严重健康问题的接受公共医疗补助的病人。在这些年间，她经常控告加州政府在一些政策上会伤害她的一些脆弱的客户。在10月3日，她的案子被移到了上诉法院。The outcome of Douglas v Independent Living Centre will have profound implications for the future of Medicaid. Ms Vescovo’s suit concerns cuts to hospitals and doctors. But the case will also guide the course of managed care. If ILCSC and its co-plaintiffs win, private groups will continue to be able to challenge states on policies they think violate federal Medicaid law. Ms Vescovo, who argues that California’s payment cuts would eviscerate her clients’ access to services, worries that under managed care the disabled might not be able to see the specialists they need.道格拉斯 v 独立生活中心的结果将会对公共医疗补助有深远的意义。凡斯科夫女士的诉讼影响到医院和医生的津贴削减。但是这个案子将会引领管理关怀的进程。如果中心和其他原告胜诉，私人团体将会继续在那些他们认为违反联邦法律的政策上挑战州政府。凡斯科夫女士认为说加州的支付削减计划会让她的客户失去得到服务的机会，她还担心，在管理关怀之下，那些残障人士可能不能见到那些他们需要的专家。The question is how to supervise the experiments with managed care that are being carried out in various states. To date, Medicaid beneficiaries have been able to challenge the states in court. However, if the Supreme Court rules against ILCSC, that avenue will be closed. The Centres for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) technically can intervene if states do not provide proper access to care. In reality, CMS has few tools to do so.问题是怎么监管在不同州试运行的管理关怀。到目前为止，公共医疗补助受益者已经能够在法庭中挑战政府。然而，如果上诉法庭结果不利于中心，那么这条路将会被关闭。如果州政府没有提供合适的关怀的话，公共医疗补助和长者医疗关怀中心理论上是能对此进行干涉，但事实上，他们没有太多办法。“I’m a big fan of managed care”, says Sara Rosenbaum, a professor at George Washington University, “but this transformation may happen with almost no federal oversight.” Medicaid beneficiaries are vulnerable, in worse health than Americans as a whole. Companies may struggle to cut costs and provide good care as well. If states do not draft their contracts properly, or fail to be vigilant in monitoring patients’ health, their experiment in managed care could be a disaster. On the other hand, if states are careful they could provide an answer to the question that has vexed America for years: how to provide good, cheap health care.“我是管理关怀的拥护者”，萨拉-罗森博姆，一位乔治华盛顿大学教授说，“但是这种转变可能在没有联邦监管的情况下发生。”公共医疗补助的受益者和你脆弱，健康程度整体上比一般美国人要差。公司可能在削减成本的同时挣扎着同样提供良好的服务。如果州政府们不好好起草他们的合同，或没有警觉地监控病人的健康的话，他们在管理关怀上的实验可能会是一场灾难。另一方面，如果州政府们认真的话，他们能为那个困扰美国人多年的问题提供答案，即怎么提供优质的便宜的健康关怀。
Half-way from rags to richesApr 24th 2008From The Economist print editionVietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?EyevineCorrection to this articleKNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows dug into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans during the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries. These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”. Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged . Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll. An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introduction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable. Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council. Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-reducing World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”—free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $ billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exodus of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them. Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and productivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten. The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket. Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern industrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic. But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further reductions in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to stench of corruptionThe Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official procedures. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly. Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and individuals borrowed to speculate on shares and government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay. What could go wrongAll this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks: • Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development. Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with gradual political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
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1、学生大论文中心包含 哲学类 | 经济学 | 法学类 | 教育学 | 文学类| 艺术学 | 理学类 | 工学类 | 医学类 | 管理学 | }社会学 | ***学。为html格式。2、蜂朝无忧论文网门类很全。3、论文下载中心门类很全。4、论文帝国门类较全。二、 教育类1、教研论文交流中心以中小学教育为主，基础教育、英语教学文章居多。2、教育教学论文网以教育论文为主，包含：语文论文 美术论文 物理论文化学论文 英语论文 历史论文 德育论文 教学论文数学论文 音乐论文 生物论文 自然论文 体育论文地理论文 摄影论文 劳动技术 农村教育 毕业论文素质论文 医学论文 电子电器学 思维科学 计算机论文活动课教学 书法篆刻论文 创新教育研究 心理健康教育西部教育论文 信息技术论文3、教育论文、中国园丁网论文大观、北大附小学校教师的文章：三、 专业类1、优秀论文杂志以科技类为主。2、论文资料网以财经经济管理类为主。3、法律图书馆文如其名。4、法学论文资料库文如其名。5、中国总经理网论文集、mba职业经理人论坛、中国农业在线-农业论文、体育论文、财经学位论文下载中心、公开发表论文_深圳证券交易所、中国路桥资讯网论文资料中心、论文商务中心、法律帝国：四、 论文写作教学类1、学术论文其实是学术论文的写作网站。五、 博硕士论文1、论文统计实际上就是万方的论文统计。2、台湾博硕士论文咨讯网、北京大学学位论文样本收藏、学位论文 （清华大学）
学术堂整理十五个经贸英语专业毕业论文题目，大家可以经常参考：1、经济全球化背景下竞争法、产业法与反倾销法的冲突与协调2、国际文化产业的非均衡竞争与中国的竞争方略3、中国的对外贸易环境与政策变化4、迎接宏观与微观上的时代变局5、建筑企业如何应对技术壁垒6、加速标准信息化管理增强企业风险防范能力7、电子商务环境下新型国际贸易交易结构的确定8、欧盟优惠性原产地规则调整与中国出口战略应对9、我国纺织品出口的比较优势与竞争优势10、经济全球化下我国加快发展国际保理的探讨11、中小企业国际市场营销策略探析12、日本对华投资与中日贸易的发展13、后配额时代我国纺织品出口面临的难题及对策14、电子商务的应用及对企业的影响15、商业信息的特点与搜集方法
近年来,世界各国在 教育 、军事、经济、政治、文学等多个领域的交流越来越频繁,极大地促进了这些领域的进步和快速发展。下面是我为大家整理的英文学术论文，供大家参考。
摘要：英美文学中的文学批评存在多种不同的理论，不同理论学派所持有的观点也不尽相同，每个学派之间都有其丰富的理论基础，从多维的角度去进行主客观的文学批评，正是因为文学批评有着其自身科学性、审美性、公信力等方面的特点，能够包容多种批评学派的存在，对文学作品进行客观、科学的批评。
关键词：英美文学;文学批评
一、文学批评理论在英美文学教学中的意义
目前我国大多数院校都开设了相应的文学教育理论课程，而在关于英美文学的教学过程中，文学批评与文学教学是相辅相成的关系，文学批评可以从其独特的视角关注和解读英美文学作品，得到与众不同的观点，从而充分了解了整部英美文学作品的历史意义和内涵。文学批评也为英美文学教学提供了一把打开其大门的钥匙，让学生有机会从不同的角度，不同的观点、不同的思想关注英美文学，更好地促进了英美文学的发展。以文学批评基本理论为依据，应用到英美文学教学中，将有助于在学习作品过程中，避免传统的、印象式的解读，使学生通过对原著的充分解读，仔细品味原著中作者想要表达的观点，以及写作的手法，培养学生踏实阅读的学风，还能够让学生充分感受到文学的魅力，增强学习兴趣，提高学习成绩。
二、英美文学中文学批评的多方位表现形式
1.英美文学中新批评理论。
上世纪三四十年代开始出现以兰色姆()、威姆塞特()等为代表，形成了英美文学中的“新批评”理论。他们认为一切从作者的原始写作动机与作者的阅读感受为出发点所进行的文学批评都是“错误的谬论”，脱离了文学批评的初衷，将文学批评的对象进行了根本的转移，即转移到了文学作品对阅读者心理影响方面上，脱离了被批评对象的本身，从而沦为了单一的印象论。英美文学中的新批评理论认为单纯依靠阅读者的感觉，会使阅读者产生相对的“阅读错觉”——即带入阅读者已有的自我认知来干扰对作品进行正确的、客观的文学批评。新批评理论强调的是以尊重和细读原著为基础，对原著进行客观、公正的、不带有固有主观意识的文学批评，形成踏实阅读的风气。在高校英美文学教学过程中运用新批评理论，也就是说教师需要花更多的时间去钻研原著，提出更有价值的问题供学生进行课上探讨，这样才能赋予学生机会去利用新批评理论认识英美文学、了解英美文学、发现英美文学的精髓所在，主动地去学习英美文学。
2.英美文学中读者反应批评理论。
在整个英美文学历史发展过程中，从来不缺少批评的新声音和新形式的产生于与发展，斯坦利.费希(StanleyFish)就对新批评理论提出了挑战，他认为单纯的从作品本身进行分析而忽略了读者的作用，是对整个阅读过程的误解。“读者反应批评”强调原著作品对于读者的影响，读者在阅读原著后所起到的作用以及能够从中得到的感受为重点。读者反应批评理论以读者为重，从读者的角度来诠释“文学批评”的过程。作品需要“留白”，这些留白的地方正是读者阅读完作品之后进行的“自我想象”，是对作品新的解读和延展，得到一种“作者——作品——读者”三者之间的交流。但是这种理论由于强调的是读者的作用，而每位读者都是不同的个体，即便对同一文学作品，也有着不同的解读方式和看法。这是“读者反应批评理论”所面对的最大的难题。
三、英美文学作品中文学批评的特点
1.文学批评与多种学科紧密相连。
在英美文学中文学批评几乎是文学研究的 同义词 ，文学批评以文学鉴赏为基础，以文学理论为指导，对作家作品进行分析、研究、认识和评价，这一整个过程不单单是一种文学行为，更是与多种学科有着密切的联系，大部分的文学批评都运用了“心理学”“社会学”“哲学”等多种学科。尤其是文学批评中的“读者反应批评理论”充分运用了读者的阅读心理和阅读感受，来对文学作品进行文学批评，得到了相关作品的反馈。
2.英美文学中的文学批评具有审美性。
不论是以新批评理论为基础，还是以读者反应批评理论为基础，大部分的文学批评都具有审美性。这里的审美性指的是它以文学作品为基础，关注做作品所传达的艺术性和美学性，批评者需要按照美的规律，从文学作品的美学方向出发对原著进行审美性分析，作出审美判断和评价，使读者能够更好的理解和认识到作品，提升读者的审美情趣和阅读能力。
3.英美文学中的文学批评具有科学性。
任何形式的文学批评都不应该脱离科学发展的实际，正确的文学批评在批评者进行美学、艺术学批评的同时也要利用理性的 逻辑思维 方式，对文学作品进行客观的批评。批评者需要具备科学的创造性，用科学的研究 方法 、研究思维、研究理论对文学作品进行客观公正的批评，并且能够以客观事实为基础，查阅大量丰富的文学资料来对原著进行周密的、系统的分析和判断，不可参杂大量的个人主观思想、狭隘偏见，以对原著进行科学的文学批评。
四、结束语
英美文学中的文学批评存在多种不同的理论，不同理论学派所持有的观点也不尽相同，每个学派之间都有其丰富的理论基础，从多维的角度去进行主客观的文学批评，正是因为文学批评有着其自身科学性、审美性、公信力等方面的特点，能够包容多种批评学派的存在，对文学作品进行客观、科学的批评。文学又有着其特殊的地方，不同于其他客观事物，不能用一般规律去对它进行解读和分析，正是因为有了文学批评的存在，才能够在不同读者角度，不同理论支持下对英美文学作品进行深层次的分析和解读，探究作者想要表达的观点，了解原著作者的真实意图， 总结 归纳英美文学发展特点，以便更好地学习。
参考文献
1、英美文学课的困境与多媒体辅助教学刘仪华南通师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版)2000-10-3025
2、高校英语专业英美文学类课程教学现状调查鲁吉西安外国语学院学报2003-12-0124
摘要：随着时代的发展，我国高等教育需要培养人文素质与科学素质相结合的人才，以促进学生的全面发展.如果学生只注重科学知识而忽视其人文素质的培养，将会成为一个只拥有知识而没有智慧的人。
关键词：英美文学;英语教学
英美文学导入作为一种新的导入模式，可以拓宽大学英语的教学模式，符合《要求》中集多种教学模式的需要.另外，我国普通高校特别是理工科院校的学生大都是理科生，在高中阶段把注意力集中在数理化和生物的学习上，对英美文学知识的了解相对较少，《要求》中提出大学英语教学要提高学生的综合 文化 素养，在大学英语教学中有必要融入英美文学导入，使学生更多地了解英美文学知识和西方文化，这有助于提高学生的学习兴趣，培养其综合文化素养.目前，我国普通高校的大学英语教师在学习期间都学习过英美文学，其中一些教师在研究生阶段的研究方向就是英美文学.教师掌握丰富的英美文学知识，有能力在导入中融入该方面的知识.所以，从大学英语教学要求、学生的求知欲和教师能力几方面来看，英美文学导入融入大学英语教学具有一定的可行性.
受传统大学英语教学模式单一的影响，很多学生在学习过程中产生厌学感、疲惫感和焦虑感，影响学生学习的积极性和学习效率，而文学导入“可以减轻学习者的焦虑感，以利于语言习得”[2].英美文学导入可帮助学生摆脱传统大学英语教学模式单一的负面影响，对新时代的大学英语教学具有积极的促进作用.
1有助于提高学生的学习兴趣
著名科学家爱因斯坦曾说过:“兴趣是最好的老师”.当学生对一门学科感兴趣时，即使没有家长、教师的督促，学生也会对这一学科不断地探索和学习，从中获得学习这一学科的乐趣.目前，我国大多数学生从小学三年级开始 学习英语 ，到大学一年级基本学习了十年英语，多数学生已经对英语产生厌倦感.所以，让学生继续学习英语的最好办法就是不断提高他们对英语的兴趣.英美文学方面的知识在高中阶段接触得较少或只接触一些浅显的内容，在导入中加入英美文学内容会使学生们觉得很新颖，从而能集中注意力认真听老师讲解并提高学习兴趣.在《新视野大学英语》读写教程第一册第七单元“FacetoFacewithGuns”中有一个 句子 :Turingthosepa-gesandstudyingtheirphotographsislikeflowingonthesadcurrentthat，likeBlake’sThames，seemsto“markineveryface，marksofweakness，marksofwoe[3]”.这句话实际上引用了美国著名浪漫主义诗人威廉•布莱克的著作《伦敦》中的诗句，教师可以通过对浪漫主义时期的诗歌特点对《伦敦》进行分析，可以增强学生对诗歌的欣赏能力和对课文中句子的准确理解.《新视野大学英语》读写教程第二册第六单元中，SectionA部分的 文章 标题是“AsHisNameIs，SoIsHe!”，有的教师会根据文章标题从人名的角度进行导入，但如果从文学角度进行导入会更加激发学生们的兴趣.这个标题实际上出自《圣经》箴言第七章，原句是“Asamanthinkethinhisheart，soheis.”教师可以从《圣经》这个角度进行导入，学生基本都听说过《圣经》，但了解得不是很多，教师可以给学生们介绍《圣经》中伊甸园、诺亚方舟、出埃及记等著名的 故事 .另外，《圣经》不仅是__的经典，也是西方文学的源头，许多英美文学中的著名作品都与《圣经》有关.综合考察这些受《圣经》影响的文学作品，我们会发现，文学作品对圣经 典故 的运用非常灵活多样.就圣经典故的类型而言，就有语典、人典、事典、意象、结构模式、观念等诸多种类[4].霍桑的《红字》、梅尔维尔的《白鲸》、斯坦贝克的《愤怒的葡萄》和福克纳的《喧哗与骚动》等许多英美文学经典作品中的对白、典故和意象都源自《圣经》.通过从《圣经》角度进行导入，学生们可以了解《圣经》与文学作品之间千丝万缕的联系，并增加对英美文学和英语的学习兴趣.
2有助于学生了解西方文化
在阅读英美文学作品时，学生们可以从中了解更多的西方文化，在国际交流中可以避免不必要的文化冲突.《新视野大学英语》读写教程中出现了爱尔兰作家奥斯卡•王尔德、英国诗人威廉•华兹华斯、约翰•弥尔顿和美国作家大卫•梭罗，教师可以从他们的作品作为切入点进行导入，用这些作品帮助学生了解西方文化.教师也可从课文中出现的单词进行导入，《新视野大学英语》读写教程第三册第四单元中出现了colony这个单词，学生们看注释都知道它是“殖民地”的意思，教师可以从文学角度进行导入，欧洲的清教徒移民在北美先后建立十三块殖民地，美国文学深受清教主义的影响，清教主义对美国文学的影响就如儒家思想对中国文学的影响一样深远，历史学家巴斯认为，没有对美国清教思想的了解，就不可能理解美国社会[6].清教徒提倡的谦卑、诚实、勤奋、节俭以及在艰难环境下的乐观精神也对美国社会产生深远影响，清教主义奠定了美国民主并塑造了美国人民的性格，美国人的勤奋、节俭和乐观与清教主义是分不开的.同时，很多美国作家在创作中深受清教主义的影响，这些作家的作品文风简朴，语言清新、直接.所以，通过对清教主义的讲解，有助于学生从根源上了解美国人的性格，有助于对西方文化有更深层次的了解.
3有助于提高学生的人文素质
随着时代的发展，我国高等教育需要培养人文素质与科学素质相结合的人才，以促进学生的全面发展.如果学生只注重科学知识而忽视其人文素质的培养，将会成为一个只拥有知识而没有智慧的人.人文素质可以帮助学生形成正确的人生观、世界观和价值观，促进精神方面的修养.《新视野大学英语》读写教程第二册第七单元“LightenYourLoadandSaveYourLife”中出现了本•富兰克林，教师可以把富兰克林作为导入的对象.富兰克林不仅是政治家、科学家，还是著名的文学家，在他的《自传》中，富兰克林为自己规定了十三条需要培养的美德，包括节制、沉默寡言、生活秩序、决心、简朴、勤勉、诚恳、公正、适度、清洁、贞洁和谦虚等.这十三条美德对当今的大学生提高人文素质具有一定的积极作用，教师可以让学生以富兰克林为典范，在日常生活中以十三条美德要求自己.教师也可以让学生们对这些美德进行自由讨论，相互交流，并对目前社会中存在的不良现象进行评价，有助于提高学生的分析能力和社会责任感.所以，英美文学导入是新时期高等教育的重要组成部分，也是提高学生人文素质的重要手段.
我国高等院校，特别是理工科院校的非英语专业学生对英美文学知识了解得相对匮乏，同时大学英语教学的导入方法也比较单一.所以，教师在大学英语教学中利用英美文学知识进行导入，既可以解决课堂导入的单一问题，又可以增强学生的学习兴趣，增加学生对英美文学知识的了解，有助于他们了解西方文化并提高其人文素质，这符合我国高等教育培养全面人才的发展需要，满足21世纪对复合型人才的需求.
参考文献
1、英美电影文学的多媒体教学模式周震,丁文英外语电化教学2002-02-2026
2、独白与交往,何去何从?——浅论英美文学课程的教学吕洪灵;外语与外语教学2006-08-0126
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