Microeconomics is a branch of economics that studies how individuals, households and firms make decisions to allocate limited resources,[1] typically in markets where goods or services are being bought and sold. Microeconomics examines how these decisions and behaviours affect the supply and demand for goods and services, which determines prices; and how prices, in turn, determine the supply and demand of goods and services.[2][3] Macroeconomics, on the other hand, involves the "sum total of economic activity, dealing with the issues of growth, inflation and unemployment, and with national economic policies relating to these issues"[2] and the effects of government actions (such as changing taxation levels) on them.[4] Particularly in the wake of the Lucas critique, much of modern macroeconomic theory has been built upon 'microfoundations' — . based upon basic assumptions about micro-level behaviour. One of the goals of microeconomics is to analyze market mechanisms that establish relative prices amongst goods and services and allocation of limited resources amongst many alternative uses. Microeconomics analyzes market failure, where markets fail to produce efficient results, as well as describing the theoretical conditions needed for perfect competition. Significant fields of study in microeconomics include general equilibrium, markets under asymmetric information, choice under uncertainty and economic applications of game theory. Also considered is the elasticity of products within the market system. Assumptions and definitions The theory of supply and demand usually assumes that markets are perfectly competitive. This implies that there are many buyers and sellers in the market and none of them have the capacity to significantly influence prices of goods and services. In many real-life transactions, the assumption fails because some individual buyers or sellers or groups of buyers or sellers do have the ability to influence prices. Quite often a sophisticated analysis is required to understand the demand-supply equation of a good. However, the theory works well in simple situations. Mainstream economics does not assume a priori that markets are preferable to other forms of social organization. In fact, much analysis is devoted to cases where so-called market failures lead to resource allocation that is suboptimal by some standard (highways are the classic example, profitable to all for use but not directly profitable for anyone to finance). In such cases, economists may attempt to find policies that will avoid waste directly by government control, indirectly by regulation that induces market participants to act in a manner consistent with optimal welfare, or by creating "missing markets" to enable efficient trading where none had previously existed. This is studied in the field of collective action. It also must be noted that "optimal welfare" usually takes on a Paretian norm, which in its mathematical application of Kaldor-Hicks Method, does not stay consistent with the Utilitarian norm within the normative side of economics which studies collective action, namely public choice. Market failure in positive economics (microeconomics) is limited in implications without mixing the belief of the economist and his or her theory. The demand for various commodities by individuals is generally thought of as the outcome of a utility-maximizing process. The interpretation of this relationship between price and quantity demanded of a given good is that, given all the other goods and constraints, this set of choices is that one which makes the consumer happiest. [edit] Modes of operation It is assumed that all firms are following rational decision-making, and will produce at the profit-maximizing output. Given this assumption, there are four categories in which a firm's profit may be considered. A firm is said to be making an economic profit when its average total cost is less than the price of each additional product at the profit-maximizing output. The economic profit is equal to the quantity output multiplied by the difference between the average total cost and the price. A firm is said to be making a normal profit when its economic profit equals zero. This occurs where average total cost equals price at the profit-maximizing output. If the price is between average total cost and average variable cost at the profit-maximizing output, then the firm is said to be in a loss-minimizing condition. The firm should still continue to produce, however, since its loss would be larger if it were to stop producing. By continuing production, the firm can offset its variable cost and at least part of its fixed cost, but by stopping completely it would lose the entirety of its fixed cost. If the price is below average variable cost at the profit-maximizing output, the firm should go into shutdown. Losses are minimized by not producing at all, since any production would not generate returns significant enough to offset any fixed cost and part of the variable cost. By not producing, the firm loses only its fixed cost. By losing this fixed cost the company faces a challenge. It must either exit the market or remain in the market and risk a complete loss. [edit] Market failure Main article: Market failure In microeconomics, the term "market failure" does not mean that a given market has ceased functioning. Instead, a market failure is a situation in which a given market does not efficiently organize production or allocate goods and services to consumers. Economists normally apply the term to situations where the inefficiency is particularly dramatic, or when it is suggested that non-market institutions would provide a more desirable result. On the other hand, in a political context, stakeholders may use the term market failure to refer to situations where market forces do not serve the public interest. The four main types or causes of market failure are: Monopolies or other cases of abuse of market power where a "single buyer or seller can exert significant influence over prices or output". Abuse of market power can be reduced by using antitrust regulations.[5] Externalities, which occur in cases where the "market does not take into account the impact of an economic activity on outsiders." There are positive externalities and negative externalities.[5] Positive externalities occur in cases such as when a television program on family health improves the public's health. Negative externalities occur in cases such as when a company’s processes pollutes air or waterways. Negative externalities can be reduced by using government regulations, taxes, or subsidies, or by using property rights to force companies and individuals to take the impacts of their economic activity into account. Public goods are goods that have the characteristics that they are non-excludable and non-rivalous and include national defense[5] and public health initiatives such as draining mosquito-breeding marshes. For example, if draining mosquito-breeding marshes was left to the private market, far fewer marshes would probably be drained. To provide a good supply of public goods, nations typically use taxes that compel all residents to pay for these public goods (due to scarce knowledge of the positive externalities to third parties/social welfare); and Cases where there is asymmetric information or uncertainty (information inefficiency).[5] Information asymmetry occurs when one party to a transaction has more or better information than the other party. For example, used-car salespeople may know whether a used car has been used as a delivery vehicle or taxi, information that may not be available to buyers. Typically it is the seller that knows more about the product than the buyer, but this is not always the case. An example of a situation where the buyer may have better information than the seller would be an estate sale of a house, as required by a last will and testament. A real estate broker purchasing this house may have more information about the house than the family members of the deceased. This situation was first described by Kenneth J. Arrow in a seminal article on health care in 1963 entitled "Uncertainty and the Welfare Economics of Medical Care," in the American Economic Review. George Akerlof later used the term asymmetric information in his 1970 work The Market for Lemons. Akerlof noticed that, in such a market, the average value of the commodity tends to go down, even for those of perfectly good quality, because the buyer has no way of knowing whether the product they are buying will turn out to be a "lemon" (a defective product). [edit] Opportunity cost Main article: Opportunity cost Although opportunity cost can be hard to quantify, the effect of opportunity cost is universal and very real on the individual level. In fact, this principle applies to all decisions, not just economic ones. Since the work of the Austrian economist Friedrich von Wieser, opportunity cost has been seen as the foundation of the marginal theory of value. Opportunity cost is one way to measure the cost of something. Rather than merely identifying and adding the costs of a project, one may also identify the next best alternative way to spend the same amount of money. The forgone profit of this next best alternative is the opportunity cost of the original choice. A common example is a farmer that chooses to farm his land rather than rent it to neighbors, wherein the opportunity cost is the forgone profit from renting. In this case, the farmer may expect to generate more profit himself. Similarly, the opportunity cost of attending university is the lost wages a student could have earned in the workforce, rather than the cost of tuition, books, and other requisite items (whose sum makes up the total cost of attendance). The opportunity cost of a vacation in the Bahamas might be the down payment money for a house. Note that opportunity cost is not the sum of the available alternatives, but rather the benefit of the single, best alternative. Possible opportunity costs of the city's decision to build the hospital on its vacant land are the loss of the land for a sporting center, or the inability to use the land for a parking lot, or the money that could have been made from selling the land, or the loss of any of the various other possible uses—but not all of these in aggregate. The true opportunity cost would be the forgone profit of the most lucrative of those listed. One question that arises here is how to assess the benefit of dissimilar alternatives. We must determine a dollar value associated with each alternative to facilitate comparison and assess opportunity cost, which may be more or less difficult depending on the things we are trying to compare. For example, many decisions involve environmental impacts whose dollar value is difficult to assess because of scientific uncertainty. Valuing a human life or the economic impact of an Arctic oil spill involves making subjective choices with ethical implications.
经济学论文？那种经济学的？这个题目太宽泛了
Half-way from rags to richesApr 24th 2008From The Economist print editionVietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?EyevineCorrection to this articleKNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows dug into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans during the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries. These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”. Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged . Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll. An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introduction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable. Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council. Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-reducing World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”—free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $ billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exodus of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them. Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and productivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten. The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket. Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern industrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic. But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further reductions in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to stench of corruptionThe Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official procedures. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly. Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and individuals borrowed to speculate on shares and government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay. What could go wrongAll this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks: • Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development. Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with gradual political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
授之以鱼不如授之以渔！蛋卷是某大学国际贸易学系学生，很高兴能帮上你。其实有个很好的办法可以让你迅速拿到这样的文献。我们一般找中英文的文献和论文都是用这样的办法。上google，然后收索你要的作品名称或者重点词汇在后面加.pdf.例如 “ economic .pdf”或者“ economic .doc” 这样。你要找什么论文或者文献就重点词+.pdf 或者重点词+.doc 蛋卷用这个办法屡试不爽，你可以多找几篇，看看论文的架构和作者的思路，并且适当参考。蛋卷提醒使用此方法应该注意的问题：1.一定要用google，因为只有google带有强大的pdf文件检索功能，baidu效果会偏差。 2.注意重点词，如果用一个重点词找不到合适的论文，建议换几个重点词试试，肯定可以下到论文 3.尽量从检索页第一页偏下方开始找论文。因为google也是有检索排行的，所以一些论文网站会排在你检索到的信息前面，一般都是需要注册或者付费下载。一般直接点开链接就出现下载的页面在检索页第一页靠后一点的位置开始。 4.多试试，肯定有。相信蛋卷。希望蛋卷的回答对你有帮助。
3.宏观经济政策对企业资本结构的影响研究（案例和实证研究）运用《西方经济学》一、二理论（或数学模型）分析一家（部门、行业）案例分析。5.内部控制与与公司治理的相关分析运用企业内部控制五项步骤分析企业资本、成本、风险、利润、效益。从理论、公司问题现状、分析要点、结论。21.企业现金流管理与风险识别探析运用企业现金流量原理，从经营、投资、筹资三个方面分析各个步骤风险及规避，有论点、论证、论据，效用。
（1）联系工作实际选题要结合我国行政管理实践（特别是自身工作实际），提倡选择应用性较强的课题，特别鼓励结合当前社会实践亟待解决的实际问题进行研究。建议立足于本地甚至是本单位的工作进行选题。选题时可以考虑选些与自己工作有关的论题，将理论与实践紧密结合起来，使自己的实践工作经验上升为理论，或者以自己通过大学学习所掌握到的理论去分析和解决一些引起实际工作问题。（2）选题适当所谓选题要适当，就是指如何掌握好论题的广度与深度。选题要适当包括有两层意思：一是题目的大小要适当。题目的大小，也就是论题涉及内容的广度。确定题目的大小，要根据自己的写作能力而定。如果题目过大，为了论证好选题，需要组织的内容多，重点不易把握，论述难以深入，加上写作时间有限，最后会因力不胜任，难以完成，导致中途流产或者失败。相反，题目太小了，轻而易举，不费功夫，这样又往往反映不出学员通过几年大学阶段学习所掌握的知识水平，也失去从中锻炼和提高写作能力的机会，同时由于题目较小，难以展开论述，在字数上很难达到规定字数要求。此外，论文题目过小也不利于论文写作，结果为了凑字数，结尾部分东拼西凑，结构十分混乱。二题目的难易程度要适当。题目的难易程度，也就是论题涉及的深度。确定题目的难易，也要根据自己的写作能力而定，量力而为。题目难度过大，学员除了知识结构、时间和精力的限制外，资料搜集方面也有局限。这样，就会带来一些意想不到的困难，致使论文写了一半就写不下去了，中途要求另选题目。所以，在这个问题上的正确态度应该是：既不要脱离实际，好高骛远，去选一些自己不可能写好的论题；又不能贪图轻便，降低要求，去写一些随手可得的论题。（3）选题要新意所谓要有新意，就是要从自己已经掌握的理论知识出发，在研究前人研究成果的基础上，善于发现新问题，敢于提出前人没有提出过的，或者虽已提出来，但尚未得到定论或者未完全解决的问题。只要自己的论文观点正确鲜明，材料真实充分，论证深刻有力，也可能填补我国理论界对某些方面研究的空白，或者对以前有关学说的不足进行补充、深化和修正。这样，也就使论文具有新意，具有独创性。
英国地理学专家6日发布一款全球地质情况电子地图。发布者说，这是世界首款类似地图，能指导人们勘探和开采油气资源和寻找掩埋温室气体的合适地点，提醒人们注意地震和泥石流等自然灾害易发地带等。这款电子地质地图汇集83个国家和地区地质中心的现有数据，标记全球各地植被、地下水、土壤和人类建筑群等不同地质带。负责协调地图绘制工作的英国地质勘查研究所首席专家伊恩·杰克逊说：“人们脚下的岩石与自然资源和矿产、人们面临的危险以及环境变化都有极大的关系。”专家说，这幅地质电子图可以帮人们寻找适合开采矿产、石油和天然气的地点，提醒人们易发泥石流和地震等灾害的危险地带，还能显示丰富地下水资源储藏地。地图还能告诉人们，哪里的岩石带适合用来掩埋温室气体。一些专家认为，可从发电厂等温室气体主要生成源捕捉二氧化碳气体，压缩后以泵压方式储于地表下，缓解气候变暖趋势。这种方法需准确挑选掩埋地，否则可能给环境造成更大麻烦。路透社报道，这一地质电子图的绘制项目耗资大约93万美元，目前涵盖全球70％的地区，印度和一些非洲国家尚未写入地图。
期末论文的写作光靠网上查询是不行的，还是要自己多掌握知识，祝你早日完成任务。英国智酷为你解答。
China's sustained economic growth and weak world economic growth and the continuous devaluation of dollar, particularly the . government in the domestic unemployment rate and rising international trade deficit of the circumstances, the United States some people will be unemployed manufacturing workers in the United States and the reasons for the Sino-US trade deficit Summed up as the RMB exchange rateFirst, the renminbi exchange rate is not the main cause of Sino-US trade deficit1, the EC analysis of Sino-US trade balanceChina and the United States for such a big difference between two main aspects of reasons: (1), the United States statistics will be part of China through Hong Kong re-exports of double counting in China's exports to the United States (2), the . trade data Collection process has many , Sino-US trade deficit is what causes(1), the . Government's high-tech products export control policy, Sino-US trade imbalance is an important reason.(2), . investment in China's balance of trade of multinational companies is another important reason. China to the United States despite the existence of high trade surplus, but a large part of the trade surplus from the . multinational companies in China, according to Chinese statistics show that: China's import and export amount of 56 percent is from foreign-funded enterprises to achieve, China is . multinational companies to reduce production costs and increase profits one of the main channel.(3), the . trade statistics report and the multinational corporations will not return to the United States of the investment income account3, Liaokai . foreign trade deficit . imports from the large number of foreign companies in setting up their own production lines, in other words, the . subsidiary of multinational companies import goods from overseas, the reality of the trade are many companies and the companies, not countries trade with the countries of the economist Julius once the . balance of trade statistics, if coupled with its overseas subsidiaries in the local double-counting, then in 1986 the . trade balance from a deficit of 144 billion . dollars into 57 billion A surplus of . dollars. According to the . Department of Commerce statistics, in 1995 the . subsidiary of multinational companies in sales over 210 million . dollars, with exports of goods and services the same year 794 billion . dollars, almost 3 trillion . dollars, and foreign exports to the . and foreign companies in the . , A subsidiary of the internal sales total of trillion . dollars, the United States today is not the world's largest trade deficit country, but the world on a few large trade surplus with one of the . exports to foreign multinational companies in the United States and abroad for sale on the market, both in 2002 and amounted to 3 trillion . dollars. Over the same period, imports of . and foreign multinational companies in the . market sales, and for both of trillion . dollars, resulting in the United States on the world's total trade surplus of 600 billion . dollars, and this is when the analysis of the . foreign trade deficit Should comprehensively grasp the essence of the , the . trade deficit, the real reason for the(1) in the 1970s, the two oil crises led to two world oil prices rose sharply, from Japan and developing countries with strong economic competitiveness and the strength of the dollar, which makes . goods, services, trade Deficit in 1987 reached a peak of 152 billion . dollars.(2) deterioration of the low . savings rate, the United States must from the international financial market, raising funds for construction, that is, factoring funds to invest heavily in the building.(3) . multinational companies in the United States in the import trade played by the "one of us" role, that is part of the trade deficit is actually "returning goods."China and the United States is a complementary economy, maintain the existing exchange rate system is a win-win situation
题目是论文内容的高度概括，它对读者具有影响力，可使读者首先明确论文研究的主题。下面我给大家带来翻译方向论文题目选题参考2022，希望能帮助到大家!
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翻译硕士论文题目选题参考
1、《中国古代 足球 》古汉语专名与古诗词的英译处理
2、英文合同汉译中规范性的实现策略
3、以目 标语 读者为导向的 广告 翻译策略研究
4、盐城旅游文本中特色词汇的翻译问题
5、从接受美学视角探究文学作品中模糊语言翻译
6、法律文献中专业术语英译的探讨
7、扬州旅游文本里 文化 因素的翻译
8、网络辅助下英语缩略语的翻译策略研究
9、有道词典在翻译中的应用
10、 英语 散文 120篇汉译项目 报告
11、徐州景点 导游词 翻译中文化负载词的处理
12、徐州特产食品 说明书 汉英翻译研究
13、从文本功能的角度探究报刊时政新闻的汉译
14、英语长句的英译汉翻译策略实证研究---以<基于语料库的英语教学>为例
15、《物华名胜》中复合式翻译 方法 的运用
16、《苏斯 儿童 绘本汉译过程中儿童语言的处理》
17、目的论指导下企业介绍的英译研究
18、新闻发布会口译项目报告
19、目的论视角下看中国高校宣传片的字幕翻译策略
20、《杨澜访谈录》同声传译项目报告
21、VOA经济报道口译过程中顺句驱动法运用的实践报告
22、预测在英语 财经 新闻口译活动中运用的实践报告
23、中国饮食文化词的口译技巧—《舌尖上的中国》口译实践报告
24、影响英汉交替传译中笔记有效信息筛选障碍的项目报告——以VOA时事新闻口译实践为例
25、视译停顿形成因素及解决方法报告
26、外事口译中译者主体性的把握
27、学生译员汉英交传训练中停顿现象研究
28、商务合同英汉互译技巧
29、英文品牌汉译
30、知识对于翻译的重要性
31、中英文化差异及其对英汉互译的消极影响
32、英语广告中修辞手法的应用及其翻译
33、<<红楼梦>>金陵判词两种译文的比较及评析
34、从红楼梦诗词翻译看翻译中的文化补偿
35、关于李后主“虞美人”的3种英译本的鉴赏
36、跨文化交际与商标翻译
37、中式菜肴的命名与翻译
38、浅谈英语电影片名的翻译
39、英文电影片名的翻译策略
40、英文化妆品广告之美学翻译
41、数字在中西文化中的内涵差异及数字习语翻译初探
42、浅析原语文本在目标语文本中文体的适应性
43、英语习用语翻译中的等效性研究
44、论语境在英汉翻译中的作用
45、浅析英语动画片翻译的基本原则
46、中英服饰广告的翻译
47、论英汉翻译中语篇连贯的重要性
48、论译者的风格与译风
49、经济英语中的隐喻及其翻译
50、从翻译的美学角度浅析旅游资料的中英译
51、翻译中的文化因素
52、影视字幕翻译的原则
53、影响长句翻译的因素
54、例析英译汉中形象语言的处理
英语专业 毕业 论文翻译方向题目
1、 图里规范理论视角下的《四洲志》翻译研究
2、 翻译伦理视域下杨曙辉和杨韵琴《喻世明言》英译本研究
3、 《围城》英译研究
4、 余华小说《兄弟》中的文化专有词英译研究
5、 汉语形容词重叠式及其基式英译对比研究
6、 英汉交流虚构运动事件中路径和方式表征的对比研究
7、 汉语情态动词“能”字结构的翻译
8、 英汉运动事件表征方式对比研究
9、 顺应论视角下视觉动词的汉英互译研究
10、 语用顺应论视阈下汉语听觉动词的英译研究
11、 基于交往能力理论的翻译主体间性实证研究
12、 目的论视角下的电气英语翻译
13、 从符号视角看翻译中视觉非语言符号的信息处理
14、 功能对等理论视角下政府公文英译策略研究
15、 女性主义视角下影视字幕翻译策略研究
16、 操纵论视角下政治文本的汉英翻译研究
17、 从功能对等原则看中国上古神话中神话意象的翻译
18、 从德国功能派翻译理论视角分析领导人演讲口译
19、 文化翻译理论指导下《黄帝内经》英译策略研究
20、 四字格中医术语动词的英译对比研究
21、 《红楼梦》服饰文化翻译研究探析
22、 英文传记汉译实践报告
23、 生态翻译视角下：《尘埃落定》英译本的研究
24、 奈达的功能对等理论在Harry Potter and The Chamber of Secrets两个译本中的体现
25、 描写性翻译理论框架下《西敏寺》译文的风格分析
26、 目的论视角下张爱玲《金锁记》自译本的比较研究
27、 从功能理论视角看戴译本《边城》中文化负载词的翻译策略与方法
28、 英译诗歌韵律的定量对比分析
29、 功能对等理论视角下鲁迅小说《药》《孔乙己》《风波》两个英译本的对比研究
30、 奈达功能对等视角下对《瓦尔登湖》两个中译本的对比研究
31、 语义翻译/交际翻译视角下文化特色语的翻译
32、 从关联理论看《了不起的盖茨比》的两个汉译本
33、 目的论视角下的《三体》英译研究
34、 性别与翻译：从女性主义翻译观对比分析《飘》的两译本
35、 目的论指导下的《舌尖上的中国》菜名英译策略
36、 功能对等理论视角下的美国情景喜剧字幕翻译
37、 功能对等理论视阈下的商标翻译研究
翻译理论与实践论文题目
1、德国功能翻译理论的宏观性及其对教学的启示
2、翻译美学的文化考量
3、解构视角下翻译中的二元对立分析
4、传教士翻译与晚清文化社会现代性
5、跨文化传播视域下的翻译功能研究
6、英语专业本科翻译教学主体交往体系建构研究
7、许渊冲唐诗英译研究
8、论英汉翻译写作学的建构
9、 文章 学视野下的林译研究
10、口译研究的生态学途径
11、郭建中翻译思想与实践研究
12、跨文化语用学视角下的外宣翻译策略研究
13、文学文本中的视觉翻译
14、外宣翻译研究体系建构探索
15、异化翻译思想探究
16、翻译的修辞学研究
17、新月派文学观念研究
18、文章学视野下的林纾翻译研究
19、翻译批评原则的诠释学研究
20、蒯因的翻译不确定性及其对英汉互译的启示
21、近代中国 留学 生 教育 翻泽研究(1895~1937)
22、叙事学视域下的外宣翻译研究
23、修辞劝说视角下的外宣翻译研究
24、中国传统翻译理论观照下的林少华文学翻译研究
25、易学“象”视角下的译学研究
26、对比语言学元语言系统的演变研究
27、俄语本科翻译教材研究
28、情境翻译与翻译情境
29、西班牙语委婉语的多元翻译
30、从《哥儿》林译本的 句子 结构调整看奈达功能对等翻译理论
31、功能对等理论与信达雅翻译论的比较研究
32、《翻译理论与实践》(第二章)翻译报告
33、从中国文化语境视角出发解读西方女性主义翻译
34、证券翻译理论与实践
35、叶维廉汉诗英译研究
翻译方向论文题目选题参考相关文章：
★ 翻译方向论文题目选题参考
★ 英汉翻译论文选题题目参考
★ 2021英语专业论文选题与题目参考
★ 翻译英语专业毕业论文选题
★ 英语专业毕业论文选题文化
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导言小型及中型的企业（ SMEs ）是骨干，对各经济体和的一个主要来源，经济增长，活力和灵活性，在先进的工业化国家，以及在新兴和发展中构成的主导形式的商业组织，占95 ％以上的多达99 ％的企业dependin就负责之间的60-70 ％的净创造就业机会，在经合组织企业是特别重要的是实现创新的产品或技术市场。 有多大，是smefinancing差距？ 而中小企业融资的差距是更为普遍的新兴市场，企业融资的整体是不是一个问题，在经合组织国家（图1 ） ，银行正采取策略，以应付减少的风险，向中小企业贷款，并有建立了良好的系统为筹集资金，透过银行及资本市场。 许多国家不报告的整体资金缺口为中小型企业说，他们这样做有一个融资问题，当谈到创新的中小型企业，正是因为他们不适合模具的应用在传统的中小企业创新的中小型企业往往是新人向市场，或寻求资金，为一种新型的产品或服务，而且通常有负面的现金流量和未经考验的商业模式，它们代表了较高的风险向银行和不能评估，在相同的方式，传统的中小型企业或大型企业。 一个根本的问题，在处理与中小企业融资的差距是缺乏基本的信息有多大，这种差距可能的唯一证据是在形式的投诉，从中小型企业本身，这是难以用在分析或作比较。此外，定义的中小企业不同，国家之间和金融机构，一些只有编制的数字大小的贷款，而不是由公司的规模举债，而另一些没有保持定期的统计，中小企业贷款在这仅仅是在经合组织国家-经合组织以外的地区，信息更是稀少
最后，我们的结论或许是美国八十年代的独特性所造成的。只要我们研究依存度所在国家的金融限制较小，我们的方法就是有效的（这样我们研究的是需求而不是供应）。加拿大是我们唯一获得流动资金细节数据的国家，加拿大在许多重要方面与美国都有所差异。正如加拿大的企业所有权，其银行系统比美国也更加集中，工业构成有很大差别。但美国与加拿大的依存度相关性为. 正如表7中第三栏所示，使用加拿大数据衡量依存度，共同估算十分重要。表7与表4都很有趣的是，虽然所衡量的依存度与发展有差异，但交互作用的经济量基本相似。
经济学论文？那种经济学的？这个题目太宽泛了
Half-way from rags to richesApr 24th 2008From The Economist print editionVietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?EyevineCorrection to this articleKNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows dug into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans during the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries. These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”. Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged . Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll. An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introduction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable. Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council. Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-reducing World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”—free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $ billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exodus of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them. Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and productivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten. The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket. Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern industrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic. But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further reductions in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to stench of corruptionThe Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official procedures. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly. Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and individuals borrowed to speculate on shares and government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay. What could go wrongAll this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks: • Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development. Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with gradual political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
最后，我们的结果也许来自美国80年代的的特殊性。目前我们测量依赖性的方法应该适用于金融限制较小的国家(所以我们才考察需求而不是供给)。除了美国以外，我们掌握详细资本流动情况的国家只有加拿大。加拿大在许多重要的指标方面与美国有很大差异。其银行系统更多的为公司法人所有制，其工业系统的组成也与美国不同。不过，两个国家的依赖性指标之间的相关性达到. 如表7中第三列所示，在使用加拿大资料测量依赖性时，其系数因数的重要性很高。特别有趣的是，在表7和表4中都显示出虽然对依赖性和发展性测量不同，但是相互产生影响的经济量基本相同。----如有疑问还可以商榷。
随着科学技术的发展，人工神经网络技术得到了空前的发展，并且在诸多领域得到了广泛的应用，为人工智能化的发展提供了强大的动力。以下是我整理分享的人工智能神经网络论文的相关资料，欢迎阅读!
人工神经网络的发展及应用
摘要随着科学技术的发展，人工神经网络技术得到了空前的发展，并且在诸多领域得到了广泛的应用，为人工智能化的发展提供了强大的动力。人工神经网络的发展经历了不同的阶段，是人工智能的重要组成部分，并且在发展过程中形成了自身独特的特点。文章对人工神经网络的发展历程进行回顾，并对其在各个领域的应用情况进行探讨。
关键词人工神经网络;发展;应用
随着科学技术的发展，各个行业和领域都在进行人工智能化的研究工作，已经成为专家学者研究的热点。人工神经网络就是在人工智能基础上发展而来的重要分支，对人工智能的发展具有重要的促进作用。人工神经网络从形成之初发展至今，经历了不同的发展阶段，并且在经济、生物、医学等领域得到了广泛的应用，解决了许多技术上的难题。
1人工神经网络概述
关于人工神经网络，到目前为止还没有一个得到广泛认可的统一定义，综合各专家学者的观点可以将人工神经网络简单的概括为是模仿人脑的结构和功能的计算机信息处理系统[1]。人工神经网络具有自身的发展特性，其具有很强的并行结构以及并行处理的能力，在实时和动态控制时能够起到很好的作用;人工神经网络具有非线性映射的特性，对处理非线性控制的问题时能给予一定的帮助;人工神经网络可以通过训练掌握数据归纳和处理的能力，因此在数学模型等难以处理时对问题进行解决;人工神经网络的适应性和集成性很强，能够适应不同规模的信息处理和大规模集成数据的处理与控制;人工神经网络不但在软件技术上比较成熟，而且近年来在硬件方面也得到了较大发展，提高了人工神经网络系统的信息处理能力。
2人工神经网络的发展历程
萌芽时期
在20世纪40年代，生物学家McCulloch与数学家Pitts共同发表文章，第一次提出了关于神经元的模型M-P模型，这一理论的提出为神经网络模型的研究和开发奠定了基础，在此基础上人工神经网络研究逐渐展开。1951年，心理学家Hebb提出了关于连接权数值强化的法则，为神经网络的学习功能开发进行了铺垫。之后生物学家Eccles通过实验证实了突触的真实分流，为神经网络研究突触的模拟功能提供了真实的模型基础以及生物学的依据[2]。随后，出现了能够模拟行为以及条件反射的处理机和自适应线性网络模型，提高了人工神经网络的速度和精准度。这一系列研究成果的出现为人工神经网络的形成和发展提供了可能。
低谷时期
在人工神经网络形成的初期，人们只是热衷于对它的研究，却对其自身的局限进行了忽视。Minskyh和Papert通过多年对神经网络的研究，在1969年对之前所取得的研究成果提出了质疑，认为当前研究出的神经网络只合适处理比较简单的线性问题，对于非线性问题以及多层网络问题却无法解决。由于他们的质疑，使神经网络的发展进入了低谷时期，但是在这一时期，专家和学者也并没有停止对神经网络的研究，针对他们的质疑也得出一些相应的研究成果。
复兴时期
美国的物理学家Hopfield在1982年提出了新的神经网络模型，并通过实验证明在满足一定的条件时，神经网络是能够达到稳定的状态的。通过他的研究和带动，众多专家学者又重新开始了对人工神经网络方面的研究，推动了神经网络的再一次发展[3]。经过专家学者的不断努力，提出了各种不同的人工神经网络的模型，神经网络理论研究不断深化，新的理论和方法层出不穷，使神经网络的研究和应用进入了一个崭新的时期。
稳步发展时期
随着人工神经网络研究在世界范围内的再次兴起，我国也迎来了相关理论研究的热潮，在人工神经网络和计算机技术方面取得了突破性的进展。到20世纪90年代时，国内对于神经网络领域的研究得到了进一步的完善和发展，而且能够利用神经网络对非线性的系统控制问题进行解决，研究成果显著。随着各类人工神经网络的相关刊物的创建和相关学术会议的召开，我国人工神经网络的研究和应用条件逐步改善，得到了国际的关注。
随着人工神经网络的稳步发展，逐渐建立了光学神经网络系统，利用光学的强大功能，提高了人工神经网络的学习能力和自适应能力。对非线性动态系统的控制问题，采取有效措施，提高超平面的光滑性，对其精度进行改进。之后有专家提出了关于人工神经网络的抽取算法，虽然保证了精度，但也加大了消耗，在一定程度上降低了神经网络的效率，因此在此基础上又提出了改进算法FERNN。混沌神经网络的发展也得到了相应的进步，提高了神经网络的泛化能力。
3人工神经网络的应用
在信息领域中的应用
人工神经网络在信息领域中的应用主要体现在信息处理和模式识别两个方面。由于科技的发展，当代信息处理工作越来越复杂，利用人工神经网络系统可以对人的思维进行模仿甚至是替代，面对问题自动诊断和解决，能够轻松解决许多传统方法无法解决的问题，在军事信息处理中的应用极为广泛[4]。模式识别是对事物表象的各种信息进行整理和分析，对事物进行辨别和解释的一个过程，这样对信息进行处理的过程与人类大脑的思维方式很相像。模式识别的方法可以分为两种，一种是统计模式识别，还有一种是结构模式识别，在语音识别和指纹识别等方面得到了广泛的应用。
在医学领域的应用
人工神经网络对于非线性问题处理十分有效，而人体的构成和疾病形成的原因十分复杂，具有不可预测性，在生物信号的表现形式和变化规律上也很难掌握，信息检测和分析等诸多方面都存在着复杂的非线性联系，所以应用人工神经网络决解这些非线性问题具有特殊意义[5]。目前，在医学领域中的应用涉及到理论和临床的各个方面，最主要的是生物信号的检测和自动分析以及专家系统等方面的应用。
在经济领域中的应用
经济领域中的商品价格、供需关系、风险系数等方面的信息构成也十分复杂且变幻莫测，人工神经网络可以对不完整的信息以及模糊不确定的信息进行简单明了的处理，与传统的经济统计方法相比具有其无法比拟的优势，数据分析的稳定性和可靠性更强。
在其他领域的应用
人工神经网络在控制领域、交通领域、心理学领域等方面都有很广泛的应用，能够对高难度的非线性问题进行处理，对交通运输方面进行集成式的管理，以其高适应性和优秀的模拟性能解决了许多传统方法无法解决的问题，促进了各个领域的快速发展。
4总结
随着科技的发展，人工智能系统将进入更加高级的发展阶段，人工神经网络也将得到更快的发展和更加广泛的应用。人工神经网络也许无法完全对人脑进行取代，但是其特有的非线性信息处理能力解决了许多人工无法解决的问题，在智能系统的各个领域中得到成功应用，今后的发展趋势将向着更加智能和集成的方向发展。
参考文献
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