原文翻译类的毕业论文

题目是论文内容的高度概括，它对读者具有影响力，可使读者首先明确论文研究的主题。下面我给大家带来翻译方向论文题目选题参考2022，希望能帮助到大家!

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翻译硕士论文题目选题参考

1、《中国古代 足球 》古汉语专名与古诗词的英译处理

2、英文合同汉译中规范性的实现策略

3、以目 标语 读者为导向的 广告 翻译策略研究

4、盐城旅游文本中特色词汇的翻译问题

5、从接受美学视角探究文学作品中模糊语言翻译

6、法律文献中专业术语英译的探讨

7、扬州旅游文本里 文化 因素的翻译

8、网络辅助下英语缩略语的翻译策略研究

9、有道词典在翻译中的应用

10、 英语 散文 120篇汉译项目 报告

11、徐州景点 导游词 翻译中文化负载词的处理

12、徐州特产食品 说明书 汉英翻译研究

13、从文本功能的角度探究报刊时政新闻的汉译

14、英语长句的英译汉翻译策略实证研究---以<基于语料库的英语教学>为例

15、《物华名胜》中复合式翻译 方法 的运用

16、《苏斯 儿童 绘本汉译过程中儿童语言的处理》

17、目的论指导下企业介绍的英译研究

18、新闻发布会口译项目报告

19、目的论视角下看中国高校宣传片的字幕翻译策略

20、《杨澜访谈录》同声传译项目报告

21、VOA经济报道口译过程中顺句驱动法运用的实践报告

22、预测在英语 财经 新闻口译活动中运用的实践报告

23、中国饮食文化词的口译技巧—《舌尖上的中国》口译实践报告

24、影响英汉交替传译中笔记有效信息筛选障碍的项目报告——以VOA时事新闻口译实践为例

25、视译停顿形成因素及解决方法报告

26、外事口译中译者主体性的把握

27、学生译员汉英交传训练中停顿现象研究

28、商务合同英汉互译技巧

29、英文品牌汉译

30、知识对于翻译的重要性

31、中英文化差异及其对英汉互译的消极影响

32、英语广告中修辞手法的应用及其翻译

33、<<红楼梦>>金陵判词两种译文的比较及评析

34、从红楼梦诗词翻译看翻译中的文化补偿

35、关于李后主“虞美人”的3种英译本的鉴赏

36、跨文化交际与商标翻译

37、中式菜肴的命名与翻译

38、浅谈英语电影片名的翻译

39、英文电影片名的翻译策略

40、英文化妆品广告之美学翻译

41、数字在中西文化中的内涵差异及数字习语翻译初探

42、浅析原语文本在目标语文本中文体的适应性

43、英语习用语翻译中的等效性研究

44、论语境在英汉翻译中的作用

45、浅析英语动画片翻译的基本原则

46、中英服饰广告的翻译

47、论英汉翻译中语篇连贯的重要性

48、论译者的风格与译风

49、经济英语中的隐喻及其翻译

50、从翻译的美学角度浅析旅游资料的中英译

51、翻译中的文化因素

52、影视字幕翻译的原则

53、影响长句翻译的因素

54、例析英译汉中形象语言的处理

英语专业 毕业 论文翻译方向题目

1、 图里规范理论视角下的《四洲志》翻译研究

2、 翻译伦理视域下杨曙辉和杨韵琴《喻世明言》英译本研究

3、 《围城》英译研究

4、 余华小说《兄弟》中的文化专有词英译研究

5、 汉语形容词重叠式及其基式英译对比研究

6、 英汉交流虚构运动事件中路径和方式表征的对比研究

7、 汉语情态动词“能”字结构的翻译

8、 英汉运动事件表征方式对比研究

9、 顺应论视角下视觉动词的汉英互译研究

10、 语用顺应论视阈下汉语听觉动词的英译研究

11、 基于交往能力理论的翻译主体间性实证研究

12、 目的论视角下的电气英语翻译

13、 从符号视角看翻译中视觉非语言符号的信息处理

14、 功能对等理论视角下政府公文英译策略研究

15、 女性主义视角下影视字幕翻译策略研究

16、 操纵论视角下政治文本的汉英翻译研究

17、 从功能对等原则看中国上古神话中神话意象的翻译

18、 从德国功能派翻译理论视角分析领导人演讲口译

19、 文化翻译理论指导下《黄帝内经》英译策略研究

20、 四字格中医术语动词的英译对比研究

21、 《红楼梦》服饰文化翻译研究探析

22、 英文传记汉译实践报告

23、 生态翻译视角下：《尘埃落定》英译本的研究

24、 奈达的功能对等理论在Harry Potter and The Chamber of Secrets两个译本中的体现

25、 描写性翻译理论框架下《西敏寺》译文的风格分析

26、 目的论视角下张爱玲《金锁记》自译本的比较研究

27、 从功能理论视角看戴译本《边城》中文化负载词的翻译策略与方法

28、 英译诗歌韵律的定量对比分析

29、 功能对等理论视角下鲁迅小说《药》《孔乙己》《风波》两个英译本的对比研究

30、 奈达功能对等视角下对《瓦尔登湖》两个中译本的对比研究

31、 语义翻译/交际翻译视角下文化特色语的翻译

32、 从关联理论看《了不起的盖茨比》的两个汉译本

33、 目的论视角下的《三体》英译研究

34、 性别与翻译：从女性主义翻译观对比分析《飘》的两译本

35、 目的论指导下的《舌尖上的中国》菜名英译策略

36、 功能对等理论视角下的美国情景喜剧字幕翻译

37、 功能对等理论视阈下的商标翻译研究

翻译理论与实践论文题目

1、德国功能翻译理论的宏观性及其对教学的启示

2、翻译美学的文化考量

3、解构视角下翻译中的二元对立分析

4、传教士翻译与晚清文化社会现代性

5、跨文化传播视域下的翻译功能研究

6、英语专业本科翻译教学主体交往体系建构研究

7、许渊冲唐诗英译研究

8、论英汉翻译写作学的建构

9、 文章 学视野下的林译研究

10、口译研究的生态学途径

11、郭建中翻译思想与实践研究

12、跨文化语用学视角下的外宣翻译策略研究

13、文学文本中的视觉翻译

14、外宣翻译研究体系建构探索

15、异化翻译思想探究

16、翻译的修辞学研究

17、新月派文学观念研究

18、文章学视野下的林纾翻译研究

19、翻译批评原则的诠释学研究

20、蒯因的翻译不确定性及其对英汉互译的启示

21、近代中国 留学 生 教育 翻泽研究(1895~1937)

22、叙事学视域下的外宣翻译研究

23、修辞劝说视角下的外宣翻译研究

24、中国传统翻译理论观照下的林少华文学翻译研究

25、易学“象”视角下的译学研究

26、对比语言学元语言系统的演变研究

27、俄语本科翻译教材研究

28、情境翻译与翻译情境

29、西班牙语委婉语的多元翻译

30、从《哥儿》林译本的 句子 结构调整看奈达功能对等翻译理论

31、功能对等理论与信达雅翻译论的比较研究

32、《翻译理论与实践》(第二章)翻译报告

33、从中国文化语境视角出发解读西方女性主义翻译

34、证券翻译理论与实践

35、叶维廉汉诗英译研究

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Sino-Japan Trade Relations The bilateral trade between China and Japan amounted to US$236 billion in 2007, reflecting an increase of percent compared with the previous year, 33 times over the trade volume at the beginning of the reform and opening up. This vast volume and fast growth took place amid China’s accession into the World Trade Organization at the end of 2001 and increased trade disputes between the two countries, not to mention recurrent foreign exchange rate fluctuations in international currency markets and somehow intensified fears in Japan of China’s enhanced competitiveness. Given this background, it is of interest to speculate on what future prospects will be for the two neighbors’ economic relations, and in particular, what has been special in their bilateral economic relations as well as what challenges lie ahead for them. I. Characteristics of Sino-Japanese Trade Bilateral diplomatic relations between the People’s Republic of China and Japan were normalized in 1972, shortly after the United States President Richard Nixon visited Beijing but well before the normalization of relations in 1979. During the year immediately prior to Sino-Japanese diplomatic normalization, the two countries’ bilateral trade stood at about 900 million dollars, approximately 4 percent of China’s total external trade at the time. Normalization was quickly followed by a sharp rise in China’s imports of Japanese goods, first mainly of textile goods and various machinery tools, and later of household electronics, cars and light trucks, etc. Sino-Japanese relations made considerable progress in the 1980s. Only a few years after China’s reform and opening in 1978, Japanese brands of TV sets and cars flooded into Chinese markets, and ordinary Chinese consumers began to taste the products of western materialism. Surges in Chinese imports of Japanese goods, through various means and channels of trade, led China to accumulate serious trade deficits and to draw on her official foreign exchange reserves. This ultimately resulted in substantial Chinese currency devaluations throughout the 1980s. The growth of China’s external trade dipped in 1989-1990 perhaps mainly due to various non-economic reasons, but the bilateral trade with Japan continued to expand at a steady rate. In 1993 Japan surpassed Hong Kong to become Chinese Mainland’s largest trade partner, by official Chinese statistics, and it has remained so ever since. Overall, between 1990 and 2002, the growth of bilateral trade between China and Japan in dollar terms averaged percent per annum, exceeding that of China’s total external trade over the same period (15 percent). From 2000 to 2007, annual foreign trade volume increased by 16 percent. The fact that the growth in bilateral trade between China and Japan since the early 1990s has been rapid and more or less steady (except briefly for 1997-98), appears somehow unusual or even puzzling. First, during many of the years of the period, the Japanese economy and Japan’s overall external trade had slowed down significantly compared to the 1980s. Second, as the Asian financial crisis hit many of the economies and their intraregional trade hard, bilateral trade between China and Japan suffered only a slight setback, if any, during the turbulent two years of 1997-98. Third, when the Japanese yen witnessed significant depreciations vis-à-vis the US dollar whilst Chinese Yuan continued steady peg to the US dollar during 1998 and 2000, China’s Japanese imports/exports seemed not to have been reactive to the changes in the foreign exchange rates. In the case of 1998, China’s exports to Japan did decrease by a moderate amount (a 7 percent fall), which was nonetheless proportionally smaller than the overall falling level in Japan’s imports (an percent fall). In the case of 2000, China’s exports to Japan actually increased by a large amount, unscathed by any unfavorable moves in the currency markets. However, as long as the further appreciation of Chinese Yuan to US dollar, the pressure on exporting industry in China becomes more serious than ever before. These “unusuals” seem to suggest that there have been fundamental, structural driving forces behind the growth in the bilateral trade between China and Japan. Had Sino-Japanese economic relations been similar to other ordinary bilateral economic relations, a rather slower growth in the bilateral trade could have been expected instead. Moreover, even if (from a Chinese point of view) China’s economy and trade have achieved a high growth record, it remains to be wondered why China’s trade with Japan grew faster than her trade with the entire outside world since the early 1990s. II. The Sino-Japanese “Special Relationship” Right now, China has surpassed . to be the largest trade partner to Japan, and Japan means the third largest trade partner to China as well. At mean time, Japan is the largest importing origin country and the fourth largest exporting market of China. It should be kept in mind as always that both at the beginning of our reform and opening and presently after three decades of development, China was and still is in a catching-up process in relation to the developed world where Japan has long belonged. Over this period, both China and Japan have undergone a number of fundamental economic structural changes, and these have affected their trade and economic relations. What will be of interest to us here are the common or enduring factors that have been effective within the dynamics of interaction between demand and supply on each side of the two countries’ economic relations. We will look first at China’s demand for Japanese products and then at Japan’s demand for Chinese products. With a growing economy and an increasingly diversified trade partnership network throughout the 1990s, China’s demand for Japanese products had gradually moved into relatively high quality consumer goods and internationally price-competitive industrial goods. It is well-known that a breed of new domestic Chinese producers of electronics has emerged and has expanded their share in China’s domestic markets, resulting in a fall in the market shares that used to be enjoyed by certain Japanese brands. Yet Japanese manufacturers as a whole have been successful in investing in Research and Development, moving on to upscale markets, thus maintaining their competitiveness in the world manufacturing market as well as in China’s domestic market. On the other hand, the role of Japanese direct investment in China and Japan’s financial aid to China in promoting bilateral trade should also be noted. Throughout the 1990s Japan’s direct investment had been virtually invariably more than 10 percent of China’s FDI inflow in annual terms, though there had been some marked falls between 1997 and 2000. Moreover, Japanese direct investment in China has been relatively concentrated in manufacturing, which is believed to have a stronger effect in generating trade linkages between the two countries than otherwise. Japan had been investing in China during the early 1990s, and trade decreased during the late 1990s, but resurged at the millennium. The resurgence might have been because of the prospect of China becoming a part of the World Trade Organization (WTO). “By 2001 China’s international trade was the sixth-largest in the world” and over the next several years it is expected to be just under Japan, the fourth largest. Up to December, 2007, the real invest from Japan to China accumulated to US$ billion. Japan turns to the second largest investing origins to China. Japan’s financial aid to China (first begun with the diplomatic normalization in the 1970s), mainly through government-to-government channels, has totaled some US$20 billion in the form of lending on favorable terms, together with some additional US$2 billion mainly in the form of technical assistance. Japan is the largest provider of financial aid to China. The role of this financial aid has been significantly positive and multifaceted in China’s development process, and it has certainly helped the growth of bilateral trade. Since 1995 Japan has been taking a very proactive role in using WTO law to challenge its dominant trade partners, the United States. But its emphasis on a rule-based approach is not only relegated to the United States. In fact, it promises also to spill over into trade disputes with key partners in Asia where, for historical, reasons Japan has had trouble taking confrontational stances. This is particularly true for the case for China, which is widely perceived as the rising economic power that poses a direct challenge to Japan across a number of critical and sensitive economic issues. This paper focuses specifically on the interplay between WTO law and politics as Japan seeks to deal with China across a number of trade issues and trade relations boast great growth potential and the two sides should make more efforts to push economic cooperation in more and Japan have made much headway in terms of bilateral trade in the past 30 years, when their bilateral trade volume expanded, with more types of goods traded, and they have played an increasingly important role in each other's trade is China's third largest trade partner and the fourth largest export destination while China replaced the US in July to become the No 1 export destination of Japan. The volume of bilateral trade jumped to $236 billion last year from a meager $ billion in 1978, a 48-fold increase. During this time, China had a trade deficit with Japan for most of the , Sino-Japanese trade growth still lags behind that of China's overall trade. In 1978, Sino-Japanese trade accounted for percent of China's total trade while last year it had shrunk to less than 11 percent. Unwelcome as it is, it also shows that bilateral trade still has great potential to expand has supported China's economic development through yen loans and grants. By the end of last year, Japan had committed to a total of $30 billion to China for financing 255 $ billion has been earmarked in grants to help China's social causes, such as education and poverty Chinese President Hu Jintao said in a speech during his visit to the Waseda University in May: "The Japanese government has played a positive role in China's modernization drive by making Japanese yen loans in support of China's infrastructure construction, environmental protection, energy development and scientific and technological advancement."Japan also benefits from its yen loans for China. Through the yen loans, it can ensure imports of Chinese resources, provide more opportunities for its enterprises to export to and invest in the Chinese market. Japanese enterprises, for example, have had much more investment in such places as the Yangtze River Delta, the Pearl River Delta and areas surrounding Bohai Sea. They used to invest mainly in Dalian, Liaoning Sino-Japan economic cooperation deepens, the market has replaced government as the major driving force for bilateral trade and investment growth. The yen loans have been earmarked for projects in more fields, such as environment since 1996, and Chinese enterprises have expanded investment in Japan, with some listed in the Japanese stock those achievements, the two countries need to strengthen cooperation in sectors of mutual concern, such as energy saving and environment. Japanese enterprises are not very active in technological transfers owing to IPR concerns. They have transferred mainly low-end technologies to the Chinese government is enhancing IPR protection, it is advisable for Japanese enterprises to enter China to have the "first-mover" advantage in future cooperation. Meanwhile, the prices of technological transfers are often too high for Chinese firms to afford, which is also a hurdle for technology trade between the two two sides should also enhance cooperation between Japanese small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and Chinese businesses through such moves as establishing a "Japan SME Park". The China Association of International Trade is now setting up a system to help products of Japanese SMEs to enter the Chinese is of interest to speculate on what future prospects will be for the two neighbors’ economic relations, and in particular, what has been special in their bilateral economic relations as well as what challenges lie ahead for them. Had Sino-Japanese economic relations been similar to other ordinary bilateral economic relations, a rather slower growth in the bilateral trade could have been expected instead. Moreover, even if (from a Chinese point of view) China’s economy and trade have achieved a high growth record, it remains to be wondered why China’s trade with Japan grew faster than her trade with the entire outside world since the early 1990s.这是我以前写论文时候找的材料，你按照题目找找吧，希望能有点用