下载商务英语毕业论文范文

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这里有个范文你看看吧3月26日 20:09 国际商务谈判的定义： 是指在国际商务活动中，处于不同国家或不同地区的商务活动当事人为了达成某笔交易，彼此通过信息交流、就交易的各项要件进行协商的行为过程。 商务谈判是商务活动的重要组成部分，不仅是谈判双方基于经济利益的交流与合作，也是双方所具有的不同文化之间的碰撞与沟通。因为参与谈判的人员来自不同的国家、不同的民族，因此国际商务谈判受到各自国家、民族的政治、经济、文化等多种因素的影响。其中文化因素的影响是不可忽视的。 在不同的社会里有着不同的文化影响着谈判者的风格。因此在商务谈判中，了解谈判者的文化因素是很重要的。中国入世之后，涉及国际商务的谈判与日俱增，如何进行商务谈判的命题被提上可意识日程，文化差异对商务谈判过程而言，是极其重要而繁琐的变量。从贸易费用角度来看，有效的文化沟通可以节约商务谈判费用，在利益上也能达到预期的目的。因此作为谈判人员必须要了解谈判的文化背景，以便取得谈判的成功。 二， 影响商务谈判的文化因素： 英语哲学家弗朗西斯•培根曾在《谈判论》中指出：与人相处，俗话说：“百里不同风，十里不同俗”，由于世界各国历史传统、政治制度、经济状况、文化背景、风俗习惯以及价值观念存在明显差异，因此在进行跨文化的商务谈判时，作为谈判人员，就应该先了解各国文化差异，认真研究对方谈判人员的文化背景极其特点。因此为了取得谈判的成功、争取利益，就要求了解谈判人员不同的谈判风格，也就要从影响谈判风格的文化因素来研究，其因素包括以下几点： （1） 语言及非语言行为 在商务活动中，语言上的差异是明显的，解决这一问题也就相对简单不同的语言 中，作为信息交流的技巧的种种语言行为方式的使用是有一定差异的，如果不了解这 些差异，谈判者将很容易误解谈判对手所传递的信息，从而影响商务谈判目标的实现。 然而，非语言行为方面的文化差异往往是较为隐蔽、难以被意识到的。不同文化 客观存在着交流技巧的差异。如沉默时段，插话次数和疑视时间差异等，在商务谈判 中，染盘人员一非语言的更含蓄的方式发出或接收大量的比语言信息更重要的信息， 谈判对方极易误解这些信号，而且没有意识到已经发生了错误，这将会影响商业关系 的正常展开。 （2） 风俗习惯 在国际商务谈判中，常会有许多正式或非正式的社交活动，而这些活动常受文化 因素的的影响，并制约着谈判的进行。 如阿拉伯人在社会活动中常请对方喝咖啡，如果客人不喝是很失礼的行为，并且 将会造成很大麻烦。一位美国商人拒绝了邀请，这位美国人也因此丧失了一次合作 的机会。 （3） 思维差异 在商务谈判过程中，来自不同文化的谈判者往往会遭受思维方式的冲突，以中东 方文化与英美为例： 东方文化偏好形象思维、综合、注重统一；而英美国家则偏好抽象、分析思维并 注重对立。 因此不同文化的谈判者呈现出决策上的差异，会形成顺序决策方法和通盘决策方 法间的冲突。 （4） 价值观 在商务谈判中价值观方面的差异远比其他方面的文化隐蔽得深，因此更难克服。 其主要表现在客观性，时时、竞争和平等观念的差异也会引起误解，美国人较客观， 不讲人情只注重经济和业绩，并且时间观念也很强，对他们来说时间就是金钱。然而 竞争的平等性差异也是不好把握的，美国人对利益较为公平，而日本人则有所区分， 因此价值观的差异也会影响谈判的进行。 （5） 人际关系 成功的谈判要求始终保持畅通无阻的信息交流，然而不同的文化背景又会使国际 商务谈判者之间的信息交流面临许多障碍和冲突。因此商务谈判人员必须保持和谈判 对手有良好的人际关系、保持良好的沟通以便谈判顺利进行。比如法国人天性比较开 朗，注重人情味的传统，因而很珍惜交往过程中的人际关系，在与法国人谈判时不能 只想做生意，否则会被认为太枯燥无味而影响谈判的成功。 当我们了解在商务谈判中的文化因素以后，就要注重其影响下的谈判者的谈判风 格及应采取怎样的对策才能取得成功。 三、不同的谈判风格及采取的技巧 谈判风格是指谈判者在谈判中一向表现的态度，行为极其内含的人品等。由于世 界各民族之间政治、经济、文化、科技发展具有不平衡的特性，因此在国际贸易谈判 中形成了各具特色的生活方式、消费习惯、价值观念和文化背景等，因而谈判风格也 各具特点，带给谈判对手思维的影响也大。因此作为谈判者应该了解不同谈判者的谈 判风格，这样才能有的放矢，采取相应的谈判策略，取得谈判成功。 不同的谈判风格： 不同国家的商人，在文化差异的影响下，有着不同的谈判风格，下面来举几个国 家的人的谈判风格作代表。 1美国人 美国是世界上经济、技术最发达的国家之一，英语几乎是国际谈判的常用语言， 并且世界贸易中有一半以上是用美元计算。这使美国人对自己的国家深感自豪，对 自己的民族有强烈的自豪感和荣誉感。因此美国人的性格外向、随意，表现为直率、 开朗、豪爽、热情、自信、果断、善于交际、不拘礼节、追求物质生活、富有冒险 精神和竞争意识。 然而，在谈判中他们表现出的谈判风格也有其特点：自信心强，自我感觉良好；三、不同的谈判风格及采取的技巧 2德国人 德国是世界著名的工业大国，尽管东德与西德统一以后，仍有许多差别，但从整 个民族特点来看，德国人刚强、自信、谨慎、保守、刻板、严谨，办事情有计划性、 雷厉风行，工作重效率、追求完美，纪律观念强，有军旅作风。诚实和正直是德国 人最欣赏的品质。 因此德国人在谈判过程中所表现出来的谈判风格有：准备工作充分完善，仔细 研究对方；非常讲究效率，不喜欢东拉西扯；重合同，讲信用；德国人也非常自负。 他们重视并强调自己提出的方案的可行性，不轻易向对手做出较大让步。 3日本人 在众多的谈判人员的风格里，日本人是谈判者中最具个性和魅力的，各国的谈判 专家也都默认；日本人是最成功的谈判者。这来源于本国文化历史，日本资源匮乏， 人口密集，并且日本人的文化又受中国文化的影响很深，儒家思想中等级观念、忠 孝思想、宗法观念深深植根于日本人的内心深处，但日本人也有其自身独特的特点： 讲礼仪，注重人际关系，等级观念强，性格内向，不轻信人，有责任感，群体意识 强，工作认真慎重有耐心，精明能干，进取心强，勇于开拓，讲究实际，吃苦耐劳， 富于实干精神。 而他们在谈判中表现出的风格就有以礼求让；讲究面子；具有强烈的具体意识、 慎重决策；重视人际关系和信誉；不易退让；不喜欢依法解决纠纷。 因此在了解不同国家的谈判者的不同谈判风格之后，就其他们的特点：要采取相 应的对策，以至能在谈判中取得成功。 三， 技巧 因为在商务谈判过程中，受文化背景影响，各国的谈判者都表现出不同的谈判风格。 要想在商务谈判中取胜，就应采取相应的技巧。 就美国而言，鉴于他们表现出来的谈判风格，我们可以利用并采取相应的措施：a、 利用性格优点，创造良好的谈判气氛，并以相应的态度鼓励他们。B、利用心理特征， 他们比较喜欢表现自己，可以适当激将他们的自信，但不能激怒他们；c、以实对实， 对于他们追求实利；应进行实际论，但一定要体现公正。 希望对你有帮助 U箱发太麻烦了 呵呵

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I HAVE A DREAM 我有一个梦想 如下：Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!" 几年前，一位伟大的美国人，在其象征的阴影我们签署了解放宣言。这一重要的法令是一个伟大的指路明灯的希望数以百万计的黑人奴隶谁已经烙在火焰枯萎不公正。这是一个欢乐的黎明，结束漫漫长夜的囚禁。但是，百年之后，我们必须面对的悲惨事实，即黑人仍然没有自由。 一百多年后，生活的黑人仍是可悲的残废了手铐的隔离和歧视的锁链。一百多年后，黑人生活在一个孤独的岛屿贫困正处在远隔重洋的物质繁荣。 100年后的今天，黑人仍挣扎在弯道中的美国社会，并认为自己是流亡在自己的土地。 因此，我们今天来到这里，开始表现令人震惊的状况。从某种意义上讲，我们来到我们国家的首都，以现金支票。当我们共和国的缔造者的宏伟话写在宪法和独立宣言，他们签署了期票的每一个美国人是属于继承人。 这说明是一个承诺，所有的人将得到保障不可剥夺的权利，生命权，自由权和追求幸福。很显然，美国今天已经拖欠本本票，因为她的公民的颜色感到关切。不是纪念这一神圣的义务，美国的黑人提供了一个坏的人检查了回来标有“足够的资金。 ”但是，我们拒绝相信，正义是银行破产。我们拒绝认为，没有足够的资金在大拱顶的机会，这个国家。 所以，我们来兑现这张支票-支票这将给予我们的需求财富的自由和安全的正义。我们还来到这个神圣的位置，提醒美国的紧迫性，现在激烈。这是没有时间去从事豪华降温或采取安定药物的渐进。现在是时候