Half-way from rags to richesApr 24th 2008From The Economist print editionVietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?EyevineCorrection to this articleKNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows dug into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans during the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries. These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”. Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged . Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll. An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introduction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable. Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council. Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-reducing World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”—free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $ billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exodus of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them. Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and productivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten. The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket. Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern industrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic. But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further reductions in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to stench of corruptionThe Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official procedures. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly. Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and individuals borrowed to speculate on shares and government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay. What could go wrongAll this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks: • Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development. Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with gradual political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
既有英文还有中文翻译。比如经济收缩 美国大力出资刺激借贷US Government Acts to Spur Lending Amid Economic Downturn经济收缩 美国大力出资刺激借贷The . economy has contracted more sharply than previously believed, according to new government figures. Meanwhile, in yet another sign of continuing stress in the credit market, the . central bank is allocating hundreds of billion of additional dollars to purchase bad mortgage debt and spur consumer lending.美国政府公布的最新统计数字显示，美国经济今年第三季度的收缩幅度远远大於先前的估计。与此同时，为了缓和信贷市场持续不断的压力，美国的中央银行正在拿出数千亿美元收购房贷坏帐和刺激消费者借贷。Revised figures from the Commerce Department show the American economy shrank at an annual rate of percent in the third quarter of the year, a greater contraction than the original estimate of percent. The negative quarter followed a year of mostly-anemic growth, and, while the fourth quarter has yet to be completed, economists believe it, too, will show significant contraction.根据美国商务部发布的经过修正的数据，美国经济在今年第三季度折合成年率收缩了，远远大於先前估计的。在此之前，美国经济增长已经持续疲软了一年。今年第四季度虽然尚未结束，但是经济学家相信，美国经济在今年最后三个月也将是大幅度收缩。"GDP [gross domestic product] fell by percent because consumers spent less, there were fewer new homes built, and expenditures for business purposes fell," said. University of Maryland economist Peter Morici. "Unfortunately, this is a precursor of worse things to come."马里兰大学的经济学教授彼得·莫里奇(Peter Morici)说：“国内生产总值(GDP)下降了是因为消费者花销减少、新房子修建太少、用于商业目的的开销下滑。不幸的是，这些还只是即将来临的更糟糕的情况的前奏。”Most analysts trace America's current economic woes to tight credit conditions sparked by a wave of home foreclosures and mortgage defaults. In recent weeks, the . government has taken a series of aggressive, unprecedented steps to prop up or take control of major lending institutions and financial firms, committing well over $2 trillion to the effort.绝大多数分析人士都把美国目前的经济困难归咎于房贷违约和丧失抵押住房赎回权案子激增所导致的信贷条件紧缩。最近几周来，美国政府采取了一系列前所未有的大刀阔斧行动来支持或接管主要的信贷机构和金融公司，承诺拿出的资金总额已经超过两万亿美元。Now, the Federal Reserve says it will devote an additional $600 billion to combat the mortgage meltdown, and another $200 billion to unfreeze consumer credit. A small portion of the new funds will come from a $700 billion rescue package Congress approved last month, which is being administered by the Treasury Department.现在，美国联邦储备委员会又说，将再拿出6000亿美元来抵御房贷市场的下滑，另外还要拿出2000亿美元来帮助消费者信贷市场解冻。在这笔新的救市基金中，有一小部分来自国会上个月批准的7000亿美元金融救援计划。美国财政部负责管理这些金融救援资金。"By providing liquidity to issuers of consumer asset-backed paper [consumer loans], the Federal Reserve facility will enable a broad range of institutions to step up their lending, enabling borrowers to have access to lower-cost consumer finance and small business loans," said Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson. "Today's announcement by the Fed underscores our support for the housing market. Nothing is more important to getting through this housing correction than the availability of affordable mortgage finance."财政部长保尔森说：“通过向消费者贷款发放部门提供流动性，美联储就可以帮助各种各样的机构增加借贷，并且使借款人能够获得成本较低的消费者贷款和小企业贷款。为了渡过这次房地产市场的修正期，没有什么事情比提供人们能够负担得起的房贷融资更加重要了。”Few, if any economists would contest the importance of the availability of credit to the health of the American economy, nor the desirability of the federal government doing all it can to reverse a credit crunch that has constrained businesses and consumers alike.说到信贷市场对于美国经济健康的重要性，几乎没有任何经济学家持反对意见。他们也都赞同联邦政府竭尽全力扭转信贷紧缩的局面，因为信贷紧缩使工商企业和消费者同时受到制约。But the sheer scale of initiatives undertaken to date, and the apparent need for successive waves of government intervention are an unsettling indication of the magnitude and the tenacity of the problem being confronted, according to economics professor Lawrence White of the University of Missouri.然而联邦政府迄今为止所采取的这些规模空前的计划，以及一波接一波迫切需要政府干预的浪潮，令人不安地显示出目前问题是多么的巨大和艰难。密苏里大学的经济学教授劳伦斯·怀特说："It is a recognition [that] we still have a big problem. It is a strong statement by the Fed that it is going to take massive, broad, forceful efforts to try to break the back of [resolve] the crisis," he said.“大家都认识到我们仍然面临一个很大的问题。美联储的行动已经强有力地说明，我们需要采取大规模的、广泛的、强有力的努力来破解这场危机。”In the face of relentlessly grim economic news, Treasury Secretary Paulson says the federal government is doing all it can to mitigate the situation.面对这些滚滚而来的冷酷无情的经济新闻，美国财政部长保尔森表示，联邦政府将尽一切努力来缓和目前的形势。"It will take time to work through the difficulties in our market and our economy, and new challenges will continue to arise. I and my regulatory colleagues are committed to using all the tools at our disposal to preserve the strength of our financial institutions and stabilize our financial markets to minimize the spill-over [damage] into the rest of the economy," he said.“我们需要时间来克服我们的市场和我们的经济中存在的困难，而且新的挑战还会继续出现。我和其他负责监管的同仁们决心利用一切可以利用的手段来确保我们金融机构的实力，稳定我们的金融市场，尽量减少其他经济领域受到的损失。”In other economic news, a private research firm says . consumer confidence has rebounded somewhat this month, aided by falling energy prices, but that the index remains at a low level. Meanwhile, . export growth slowed, while American homebuilders continue to cut spending.总部设在纽约的经济研究机构会议委员会报告说，美国的消费者信心在11月份出人意料地有所提高，主要由于能源价格下降，不过消费者信心指数仍然处于很低的水平。另外，美国的出口增长有所减缓，美国的住宅建筑商继续削减开支。
Macroeconomics is a sub-field of economics that examines the behavior of the economy as a whole, once all of the individual economic decisions of companies and industries have been summed. Economy-wide phenomena considered by macroeconomics include Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and how it is affected by changes in unemployment, national income, rate of growth, and price levels. In contrast, microeconomics is the study of the economic behaviour and decision-making of individual consumers, firms, and industries. Macroeconomics can be used to analyze how to influence government policy goals such as economic growth, price stability, full employment and the attainment of a sustainable balance of payments. Macroeconomics is sometimes used to refer to a general approach to economic reasoning, which includes long term strategies and rational expectations in aggregate behavior. Until the 1930s most economic analysis did not separate out individual economics behavior from aggregate behavior. With the Great Depression of the 1930s, suffered throughout the developed world at the time, and the development of the concept of national income and product statistics, the field of macroeconomics began to expand. Particularly influential were the ideas of John Maynard Keynes, who formulated theories to try to explain the Great Depression. Before that time, comprehensive national accounts, as we know them today, did not exist . One of the challenges of economics has been a struggle to reconcile macroeconomic and microeconomic models. Starting in the 1950s, macroeconomists developed micro-based models of macroeconomic behavior (such as the consumption function). Dutch economist Jan Tinbergen developed the first comprehensive national macroeconomic model, which he first built for the Netherlands and later applied to the United States and the United Kingdom after World War II. The first global macroeconomic model, Wharton Econometric Forecasting Associates LINK project, was initiated by Lawrence Klein and was mentioned in his citation for the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in 1980. Theorists such as Robert Lucas Jr suggested (in the 1970s) that at least some traditional Keynesian (after British economist John Maynard Keynes) macroeconomic models were questionable as they were not derived from assumptions about individual behavior, although it was not clear whether the failures were in microeconomic assumptions or in macroeconomic models. However, New Keynesian macroeconomics has generally presented microeconomic models to shore up their macroeconomic theorizing, and some Keynesians have contested the idea that microeconomic foundations are essential, if the model is analytically useful. An analogy might be that the fact that quantum phisics is not fully consistent with relativity theory doesn´t mean that realtivity is false. Many important microeconomic assumptions have never been proved, and some have proved wrong. The various schools of thought are not always in direct competition with one another - even though they sometimes reach differing conclusions. Macroeconomics is an ever evolving area of research. The goal of economic research is not to be "right," but rather to be accurate. It is likely that none of the current schools of economic thought perfectly capture the workings of the economy. They do, however, each contribute a small piece of the overall puzzle. As one learns more about each school of thought, it is possible to combine aspects of each in order to reach an informed synthesis. The traditional distinction is between two different approaches to economics: Keynesian economics, focusing on demand; and supply-side (or neo-classical) economics, focusing on supply. Neither view is typically endorsed to the complete exclusion of the other, but most schools do tend clearly to emphasize one or the other as a theoretical foundation. • Keynesian economics focuses on aggregate demand to explain levels of unemployment and the business cycle. That is, business cycle fluctuations should be reduced through fiscal policy (the government spends more or less depending on the situation) and monetary policy. Early Keynesian macroeconomics was "activist," calling for regular use of policy to stabilize the capitalist economy, while some Keynesians called for the use of incomes policies. • Supply-side economics delineates quite clearly the roles of monetary policy and fiscal policy. The focus for monetary policy should be purely on the price of money as determined by the supply of money and the demand for money. It advocates a monetary policy that directly targets the value of money and does not target interest rates at all. Typically the value of money is measured by reference to gold or some other reference. The focus of fiscal policy is to raise revenue for worthy government investments with a clear recognition of the impact that taxation has on domestic trade. It places heavy emphasis on Say's law, which states that recessions do not occur because of failure in demand or lack of money. • Monetarism, led by Milton Friedman, which holds that inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon. It rejects fiscal policy because it leads to "crowding out" of the private sector. Further, it does not wish to combat inflation or deflation by means of active demand management as in Keynesian economics, but by means of monetary policy rules, such as keeping the rate of growth of the money supply constant over time. • New Keynesian economics, which developed partly in response to new classical economics, strives to provide microeconomic foundations to Keynesian economics by showing how imperfect markets can justify demand management. • Austrian economics is a laissez-faire school of macroeconomics. It focuses on the business cycle that arises from government or central-bank interference that leads to deviations from the natural rate of interest. • Post-Keynesian economics represents a dissent from mainstream Keynesian economics, emphasizing the role of uncertainty and the historical process in macroeconomics. • New classical economics. The original theoretical impetus was the charge that Keynesian economics lacks microeconomic foundations -- . its assertions are not founded in basic economic theory. This school emerged during the 1970s. This school asserts that it does not make sense to claim that the economy at any time might be "out-of-equilibrium". Fluctuations in aggregate variables follow from the individuals in the society continuously re-optimizing as new information on the state of the world is revealed. Later yielded an explicit school which argued that macro-economics does not have micro-economic foundations, but is instead the tool of studying economic systems at equilibrium. 宏观经济学是一种分场经济学的行为,研究是在整个经济中,一旦所有的个人的经济决策,为公司和产业被。宏观经济学认为经济现象包括国内生产总值(GDP)以及它是如何变化影响失业的国民收入的)经济成长率、价格水平。相反,微观经济学研究的就是经济行为和决策的个体消费者,公司和行业。宏观经济学可以用来分析如何影响政府的政策的目标,比如经济增长,价格稳定,充分就业和获取可持续国际收支差额。宏观经济学有时用来指一个经济理论的主要途径,包括长期战略的期望和理性综合行为。直到30年代为止,大部分的经济分析没有独立的个人经济综合行为举止。与1930年代的经济大萧条,遭受了在所有发达国家,发展国民收入的概念和产品的统计数据,但是研究领域的宏观经济学开始扩展。具有特殊影响力的想法是,约翰•梅纳德凯恩斯理论,努力向他们解释制定了经济大萧条。在那时候,综合国民经济核算,如同我们知道他们今天,是不存在的。经济学的一个挑战是一场斗争调和宏观经济政策和微观经济政策,模型。开始于20世纪50年代,macroeconomists发达micro-based模型的宏观经济行为(如消费函数)。1月Tinbergen荷兰经济学家第一个全面发展国家宏观经济模型,该模型他第一次建成为荷兰和后应用于美国和英国二战之后。第一个全球宏观经济模型,沃顿计量预测伙伴联系工程项目,发生在劳伦斯发起克莱恩和被提及他的嘉奖经济学诺贝尔经济学奖1980年。理论家如罗伯特·卢卡斯认为(是在上世纪70年代),认为至少有一些传统的凯恩斯(英国经济学家约翰梅纳德凯恩斯)宏观经济模型都是可疑的,因为他们不是来源于假设的个人行为,虽然现在还不清楚这些失败在微观经济的假定,或是对宏观经济模型。然而,最新凯恩斯主义的宏观微观模型提出了大致以支持他们的宏观经济理论有争议,一些凯恩斯主义者的想法,微观经济基础是必要的,如果模型是分析有用的。打个比方可能是,这样的事实,即量子phisics并不完全符合相对论´,并不代表没有realtivity是假的。许多重要的微观经济假设从来没有被证明,而有些人的证明是错误的。各种各样的思想学派并不总是在彼此的直接竞争,尽管他们有时会达到不同的结论。宏观经济学是一种前所未有的领域的研究。研究经济学的目标不是"正确",而是是精确的。很有可能是学校目前尚无一个经济思想完全捕捉运作方式的经济。不过,他们的贡献每一小块整体难题。当你学会更多关于每个思想学派,它能把方面的每一个为了达到一个通知的合成。传统的区别是留给经济学两种不同的方法,重点凯恩斯经济学和供方需求;(或古典)经济学、关注供应。也都是典型的观点完全排除其他,但大多数学校都往往清晰地强调一个或另一个是的理论基础。•凯恩斯经济学交融在总需求,以解释失业率和商业周期。商业周期波动,应减少通过财政政策(政府花费或多或少根据实际情况)和货币政策。早期凯恩斯主义的宏观经济学是“活动家,定期使用《召唤的政策稳定资本主义经济,虽然有些凯恩斯主义要求使用收入政策。•供给的经济学的作用很明显地在当前货币政策与财政政策。关注于货币政策应该是完全对价格的钱所确定的货币供应的需求的特点,为了金钱。它提倡货币政策,直接目标钱的价值,不目标利率。典型的钱的价值在于用参考金或其他参考。财政政策的重点是提高政府农业投资价值的收入为一个明确的认识税收的影响在国内贸易。它设置了过度强调了说的法律,它表明不会发生经济衰退需求下降、因为没有缺钱。•货币主义的带领下,由弗里德曼,认为始终通货膨胀是一种货币现象。财政政策拒绝,因为会导致“挤退”的私人生活。此外,它不希望对抗通货膨胀或通货紧缩采用主动需求管理在凯恩斯经济学,通过货币政策规则,即坚持的增长速度恒定的钱。凯恩斯•新经济发达的部分原因是为了适应新古典经济学、致力于提供凯恩斯现代经济学的微观经济基础显示出了市场的不完善就能名正言顺的需求管理等。•奥地利经济学是个自由放任主义的学校的宏观经济。它侧重于商业周期,而政府或中央银行的干扰导致偏离自然失业率的兴趣。•Post-Keynesian经济学所代表了凯恩斯经济学主流的作用,强调历史过程中不确定性和宏观经济。•新古典经济学。原理论动力的费用是凯恩斯经济学缺乏有效的微观经济基础——亦即其断言不成立于基本经济理论。这所学校出现在20世纪70年代。这所学校断言它是没有道理的主张经济会随时out-of-equilibrium”。波动的总变量遵从的在这个社会的个人不断re-optimizing新信息的状态的世界就会显现出来。后来取得了一个显式学校一样,认为宏观经济学没有微观经济基础,反而学习经济系统的工具在平衡。
Before we start, let's talk a bit about collocations. Collocations are groups of words that are commonly used together. Native speakers are so used to using them, they know what sounds "right" and what sounds "wrong."在我们开始之前，我们来谈下搭配。搭配是指常用的词组搭配到一起。当地人很习惯于用这些，他们知道什么的搭配听起来是对的，什么是错的。For example, in English the phrase "go online" is a natural way to refer to using the internet. But it wouldn't be natural to say something like "proceed online" or "travel online", even though "proceed" and "travel" are other ways to express “go.” You’ll hear lots of collocations related to office life in today's dialog. Listen out for them and we'll explain what they mean and how to use them in the debrief. 比如，英语中的短语上网，就是使用网络的意思，甚至用前进和旅游来表达这个意思。在今天的播客中，你将听到很多和办公生活有关的搭配。仔细听，我们将会解释它们的意思以及如何在听取报告的时候使用它。Now, on to the role of an administrative assistant. The job title of "administrative assistant", or "admin assistant" for short, can cover quite a broad range of responsibilities. Admin assistants typically spend a lot of time handling data—whether it's timesheets recording the working hours of other employees, or rosters used for scheduling meeting rooms. Much of what they do involves making sure that other employees are working as efficiently as possible. 现在，来谈谈一个行政助理的职责。通常他们要花很长时间处理数据，不论是日程表记录，雇员的工作时间，还是会议地点安排的执勤人员表。这些很多都牵涉到确认是否有效地工作。In this episode we'll talk with Christina, who works as an admin assistant in the human resources department of an auto parts manufacturer. Christina's going to tell us about some of the responsibilities of her position. 在这节播客中，我们将和克里斯蒂娜交谈，她是汽车配件生产商的人事部的行政助理。克里斯蒂娜将会告诉我们有关她职责的细节。Collocations are a challenge for anyone learning English. There aren't any specific rules to follow. You just have to listen for what sounds right. Still, they're essential for English communication and important to keep in mind when you learn new vocabulary—don't just think about the new word, think about what other words it might be used with. We'll point out some useful collocations related to daily office work as we go through this lesson. 词语搭配对于英语学习者来说是一个挑战。没有严格的条款去依循。你必须去听听起来是对的。并且，当你学 学了新的词汇，不要只是觉得他们是新的词汇，要想到其他的一些可能会用到的其他词语，而搭配对于记住这些新的词至关重 要。Administrative assistants are important to any business organization. For example, they make sure data is handled responsibly and records are maintained properly. It might seem like they work in the background, but their jobs are critical to the smooth running of a company. 行政助理对于任何商业组织都很重要。比如，他们要确保 数据正确，记录好公司正常运行的数据。In the last episode we met Christina, the Head Administrative Assistant in the Human Resources department at LaFarge Automotive. In an interview, Christina told us about some of her usual job duties. Today, she'll talk about why her work is so important to the company. 上一集中，我们了解了克里斯蒂娜，在拉法基汽车公司人事部门的 总的行政助理。在这个访谈中，克里斯蒂娜告诉了我们她的日常工作。今天，她将要谈论她的工作对于整个公司的重要性。
经济类的 英语 作文 ，掌握必要的经济词汇，写作灵感那是源源不绝。下面是我给大家整理的经济英语作文，供大家参阅! 经济英语作文：经济发展与环境保护 Economic Development and Environmental Protection There are some individuals who argue that, compared to the environment protection, the top priority is supposed to given to economic development. They deem that environmental problems are inevitable and unavoidable in the process of economic development. They are only the by products of economic development, which can be handled later when we have the time and money. However, other individuals hold different opinions that(or：other holders of the opposite opinions argue that ) environment protection should be attached more importance than economic development in that present serious environmental problems will threaten the health of the residents and hinder the advance of the economy. As far as I am concerned,environmental protection and economic development can coexist in parallel and can stay in harmony. Our ultimate aim in economic development is to provide a comfortable and happy life for our people. What is the point of economic development if we achieve it at the cost of our environment? There has been much evidence to prove that a balance between the two helps more rapid and continuous development of the society. 经济英语作文：假日经济 Holiday economy is not new to people all aroundthe world. In China, it stands for the nationwide one-week holiday starting from October 1st(the National Day). The government established the week-long holiday back in 1999 tostimulate domestic spending. Tour operators, retailers, and wedding halls have been cashingin ever since. However, there are shifting perspectives about holiday economy. Many people, includingsome economists, think positively about holiday economy. They believe that tourism-basedholiday economy has increased consumption and helped to spur the domestic demands. Whileothers, who worry about the negative effect of holiday economy, argue that holiday economydo more harm than good. For example, during the extended holiday, scenic spots areoverloaded with tourists, and it not only spoils the relaxing mood of the tourists, but alsooverburdens the tourist attractions. In my opinion, both sides are reasonable. We should take good advantages of the holidayto develop economy while trying to tackle the problems existed with practical measures. Only inthis way can we not only enjoy the pleasure golden week endows us, but also promote thedevelopment of holiday economy soundly. 经济英语作文：中国经济发展 Chinese economic development Nowadays, with the fast development of technology, we can see that our economics developed very quickly. We have made big economic achievements in many aspects under the lead of our party. There are countless programs making benefits for common people, such as large-scale development of the western region and South-to-North Water Diversion Project. We have easier access to water and electric power in daily life, and we have more choices when traveling. Every child can go to school and get an education in better school facilities. They don’t need to worry about their tuition fees with proper assistance. Old people have assurances no matter where he lives, and they can enjoy their life with the reformed social safety net. Peace and development have become the theme of world. Our country’s international status keeps on improving, and we make great influences on the world economy. Joining in the WTO, our economic policies control the breath of world. Successfully holding the Olympic games and the world EXPO make the world give us more attention and respect. In a word, Chinese economic develops at an amazing speed and has made encouraging breakthroughs. I believe that the tomorrow of our economy will be brighter as long as we try our best effort. 中国经济发展 当今社会，伴随着科技快速发展，我国经济形势蒸蒸日上。紧跟我国建设有中国特色社会主义的步伐， 我国经济建设的各方各面都取得了巨大成就。 我们完成了诸多造福百姓的巨大工程，例如西部大开发，南水北调等等。在居民的日常生活中，用水用电都更加方便快捷，出行选择也多种多样，极大提高了人民的生活质量。每一个孩子都有书读有学上，学校硬件设施更加优越，对贫困学生的资助也愈趋完善，他们再也不用为学费发愁。不论生活在城市还是农村的老人都享有养老 保险 ，再加上改革的社会保障制度，使他们都能安享晚年。 和平与发展已成为当今世界的主题，我国的国际地位不断提高，对世界经济发展产生巨大影响。加入世界贸易组织，我国的经济政策牵动着世界的一呼一吸。成功举办奥运会和世博会，让世界为中国经济喝彩。 总之，中国经济飞速发展，已经取得了辉煌成就。在我们的不懈努力下，中国经济的明天一定更加美好。 看过经济英语作文的人还看了： 1. 中国经济相关的英语作文 2. 中国经济发展的英文作文 3. 高中英语作文范文精选3篇 4. 高考英语范文15篇 5. 有关经济全球化的英语作文 经济全球化英语作文精选
五年过后，仍受到金融危机的影响。本文的第一个系列讲诉此动荡的教训，解析它的原因。随着十年的事后分析，很明显的危机有多重原因。最明显的是金融家本身，尤其是好大喜功的盎格鲁 - 撒克逊的排序，谁声称已经找到一种方法驱逐风险，而事实上，他们只是简单地失去了它的轨道。央行行长和其他监管机构也承担责任，因为这是他们容忍这个愚蠢。宏观经济环境是重要的。 “大缓和”多年低通胀和稳定增长促进了自满和冒险。在亚洲的一个“储蓄过剩”推向了全球利率。一些研究也牵连欧洲银行，美国货币市场借来的贪婪在金融危机前，并利用这些资金购买狡猾证券。所有这些因素来共同培育债务激增，似乎已经成为一种风险较低的世界。当美国的房地产市场转向，连锁反应暴露在金融体系的脆弱性。池和其他聪明的金融工程并没有为投资者提供保护的承诺。按揭证券大跌值，如果他们可以在所有价值。所谓安全的CDO竟然是不值钱的，尽管评级机构的批准印章。它变得困难几乎任何价格出售可疑资产，或者用它们作为抵押品，这么多的银行依靠短期资金。消防出售价格，反过来，瞬间削弱银行的资本感谢“标志进入市场”的会计规则，要求他们在目前的价格重估其资产，从而承认损失的纸张上可能从来没有真正将产生。所有金融系统的信任，最终胶水，开始解散前在2007年一年，雷曼兄弟的破产，银行开始他们的对手的可行性提出质疑。他们和其他来源的批发资金开始隐瞒短期信贷，导致那些最依赖它的创始人。英国抵押贷款机构北岩，是一个早在2007年秋季伤亡。
next and the joy of the game of livin
Health careA new prescription for the poor为贫穷者新开的处方America is developing a two-tier health system, one for those with private insurance, the other for the less well-off美国正在发展一个双重的健康系统，一重是为那些有个人保险的人群，而另一重则是为那些不那么富裕的人群Oct 8th 2011 | NEW YORK | from the print edition“IT’S time for Dancing with the Stars!”, a woman announces enthusiastically. At this New York health centre, wedged between housing projects to the east and Chinatown to the west, “dancing with the stars” means dancing with a physical therapist. An old man stands up with a nurse and begins a determined samba.“是时候和明星一起跳舞了！”一位女士满怀热情地宣告。在这个坐落于房屋工程的西面，唐人街东面的纽约健康中心，“和明星起舞”的意思是和一位物理治疗师跳舞。一位老者和一个护士站起来，开始跳事先确定好的桑巴舞。Comprehensive Care Management (CCM), which runs this centre, tries to keep old people active. To do so, explains Joseph Healy, the chief operating officer, is in the company’s best interest. The government pays CCM a capped rate for the care of its members. If someone gets sick, his health costs rise and the company’s margin shrinks. Mr Healy argues that the system is the best way to provide good care at a low cost. Increasingly others seem to agree.经营这个中心的综合护理管理部门（CCM）努力保持老人们的活力。约瑟夫-海莉，首席运营官解释说，这样做符合公司的最佳利益。政府给这个部门一个封顶的津贴来让他们照顾这些人。如果有人生病了，他的健康成本就会上升，公司的利润就会萎缩。海莉先生确定说这个系统能够在一个低成本上提供最佳的护理。其他人也逐渐同意这个观点。Medicaid, America’s health programme for the poor, is in the process of being transformed. Over the next three years, New York will move its entire Medicaid population into “managed care”, paying companies a set rate to tend to the poor, rather than paying a fee for each service. New York is not alone. States from California to Mississippi are expanding managed care. It is the culmination of a steady shift in the way most poor Americans receive their health-care treatment.公共医疗补助，即美国的穷人健康计划，正在被改造的过程中。在接下来的 三年内，纽约将把整个接受穷人健康计划的人群纳入“管理关怀”之中，付给公司们一个事先定好的费用来照顾那些穷人，而不是按照项目来付费。纽约不是唯一这样做的州。加州，密西西比州正在拓展管理关怀计划。这代表一种正在进行中的稳步转变，即大部分贫穷美国人接受健康关怀方式的转变。Medicaid is America’s single biggest health programme. This year roughly one in five Americans will be covered by Medicaid for a month or more. It gobbles more federal and local money than any state programme, other than education. Costs will rise even more when Barack Obama’s health-care reform expands the programme by easing eligibility rules in 2014. Congress’s “supercommittee” is already considering cuts. However, there are more immediate pressures behind the present drive for change.公共医疗补助是美国最大的单一健康计划。今年，五个美国人中的一个就会被纳入该计划一个月或更长时间。除了教育之外，它比其他任何州的财政计划耗去更多联邦和地方的经费。当2014年奥巴马的健康保险改革放宽适用人群而使整个计划更加庞大的时候，成本将会进一步上升。众议院的“超级委员会”已经在考虑削减经费。然而，选择这种变化，将会有更多即刻的压力存在。Enrolment in Medicaid jumped during the downturn, from in December 2007 to in June 2010. Mr Obama’s stimulus bill helped to pay for some of this, but that money has dried up. Faced with gaping deficits, some desperate governors slashed payments to hospitals and doctors, or refused to pay for trips to the dentist or oculist. But much the most important result has been structural: the expansion of managed care.公共医疗补助计划的参与人数在经济滑坡期间从2007年12月的 4270万人跳到了2010年6月的5030万人。奥巴马先生的经济刺激经费能够帮助付掉其中的一部分，但是钱已经被用光。面对资金短缺，一些绝望的州长砍掉了给医院和医生的补助，或是拒绝支付牙医和眼科医生的旅行费用。但是，更多地，最重要的结果是结构上的：管理关怀的拓展。States have dabbled in managed care for decades. The trend accelerated in the 1990s, with the share of Medicaid patients under this form of care reaching 72% by 2009. Now, however, there is a strong push for the remainder. States that did not have managed care, such as Louisiana, are introducing it. Other states are extending it to people previously deemed off limits: California and New York, for example, are moving the elderly and disabled into that system of care. Texas is targeting more than 400,000 Medicaid beneficiaries in the Rio Grande Valley. Local politicians had resisted the move, nervous that care might deteriorate. But the yawning deficit meant that they were overruled.各个州涉足管理关怀已经有几十年的历史了。这个趋势在90年代得到加速发展，在2009年前使用这种护理方式的公共医疗补助病人占到了72%。现在，对于剩下的人，这也是很强的推动力。像路易斯安那州这样没有管理关怀的州正在引进管理关怀。其他州也把这个拓展到原先被认为不适用的人群：举例说像加州和纽约州，正在把老人和残障人士纳入这个系统中，德州的目标是在格兰德河谷超过400000公共医疗补助收益人群。地方政治家反对这个举动，他们担心这个护理系统将会变质。但是巨大的赤字意味着他们的观点注定要被批驳。The result is a country with two distinct tiers of health care. Most Americans with private insurance are still horrified by thoughts of health-management organisations and prefer to pay fees for each medical service. For the poor, managed care is becoming the norm.结果就是一个国家有两套截然不同的健康保险系统。大多数有个人保险的美国人仍旧害怕那些健康管理组织的想法而宁愿为单独的医疗服务付费。对于穷人来说，管理关怀已经成为一种常规。Advocates of managed care have high expectations. First, they hope that it will make costs more predictable. Second, they believe that the change will improve patients’ health. In managed care, a patient has a network of doctors and specialists. If the programme works properly, doctors can monitor all aspects of care, in contrast to the fragmented fee-for-service system. The contracts that states have with firms can set standards for quality. Texas, for instance, will cut 5% from a company’s payment if it does not meet what is required.管理关怀的鼓吹者有着很高的期待。首先，他们希望这能让成本变得可以预测，其次，他们相信，这个改变可以改善病人的健康。在管理关怀中，一个病人有一个由医生和专家组成的网络。如果这个计划运行良好，医生可以监测关怀的各个方面，相对于分离的的按服务付钱的系统来说。州政府和公司的合同可以为质量定下标准。德州，举例说，将会在付款中扣除5%如果公司没有达到要求的标准。The next step is to integrate care for those eligible for both Medicaid and Medicare, the federal programme for the old. These “duals” account for almost 40% of Medicaid’s costs and just 15% of its population. “If managed care can really deliver better care than fee-for-service”, says Diane Rowland, chair of the commission that advises Congress on Medicaid, “this is the population that could prove it.”下一步是整合那些同时符合公共医疗补助和长者医疗补助计划（联邦老人医疗补助）的人群。这些“双符合”人群占据了将近40%的公共医疗补助成本和仅仅15%的人口数量。“如果管理关怀能真正比按项目付费带来更好的服务”，戴安-罗兰德，委员会（指导国会在公共医疗补助政策上进行决策）主任说：“这是一群能证明管理关怀可行的人。”But some, such as Norma Vescovo, are sceptical. As the head of the non-profit Independent Living Centre of Southern California (ILCSC), Ms Vescovo serves Medicaid patients with severe health problems. Over the years she has often sued California on policies that she thinks will hurt her vulnerable clients. On October 3rd her case moved to the Supreme Court.但是一些人，例如像诺玛-凡斯科夫就对此表示怀疑。作为非盈利的南加州独立生活中心主任，凡斯科夫女士服务于那些有严重健康问题的接受公共医疗补助的病人。在这些年间，她经常控告加州政府在一些政策上会伤害她的一些脆弱的客户。在10月3日，她的案子被移到了上诉法院。The outcome of Douglas v Independent Living Centre will have profound implications for the future of Medicaid. Ms Vescovo’s suit concerns cuts to hospitals and doctors. But the case will also guide the course of managed care. If ILCSC and its co-plaintiffs win, private groups will continue to be able to challenge states on policies they think violate federal Medicaid law. Ms Vescovo, who argues that California’s payment cuts would eviscerate her clients’ access to services, worries that under managed care the disabled might not be able to see the specialists they need.道格拉斯 v 独立生活中心的结果将会对公共医疗补助有深远的意义。凡斯科夫女士的诉讼影响到医院和医生的津贴削减。但是这个案子将会引领管理关怀的进程。如果中心和其他原告胜诉，私人团体将会继续在那些他们认为违反联邦法律的政策上挑战州政府。凡斯科夫女士认为说加州的支付削减计划会让她的客户失去得到服务的机会，她还担心，在管理关怀之下，那些残障人士可能不能见到那些他们需要的专家。The question is how to supervise the experiments with managed care that are being carried out in various states. To date, Medicaid beneficiaries have been able to challenge the states in court. However, if the Supreme Court rules against ILCSC, that avenue will be closed. The Centres for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) technically can intervene if states do not provide proper access to care. In reality, CMS has few tools to do so.问题是怎么监管在不同州试运行的管理关怀。到目前为止，公共医疗补助受益者已经能够在法庭中挑战政府。然而，如果上诉法庭结果不利于中心，那么这条路将会被关闭。如果州政府没有提供合适的关怀的话，公共医疗补助和长者医疗关怀中心理论上是能对此进行干涉，但事实上，他们没有太多办法。“I’m a big fan of managed care”, says Sara Rosenbaum, a professor at George Washington University, “but this transformation may happen with almost no federal oversight.” Medicaid beneficiaries are vulnerable, in worse health than Americans as a whole. Companies may struggle to cut costs and provide good care as well. If states do not draft their contracts properly, or fail to be vigilant in monitoring patients’ health, their experiment in managed care could be a disaster. On the other hand, if states are careful they could provide an answer to the question that has vexed America for years: how to provide good, cheap health care.“我是管理关怀的拥护者”，萨拉-罗森博姆，一位乔治华盛顿大学教授说，“但是这种转变可能在没有联邦监管的情况下发生。”公共医疗补助的受益者和你脆弱，健康程度整体上比一般美国人要差。公司可能在削减成本的同时挣扎着同样提供良好的服务。如果州政府们不好好起草他们的合同，或没有警觉地监控病人的健康的话，他们在管理关怀上的实验可能会是一场灾难。另一方面，如果州政府们认真的话，他们能为那个困扰美国人多年的问题提供答案，即怎么提供优质的便宜的健康关怀。
1. INTRODUCTION Theory and Overviews· Baldwin, Richard E.; Forslid, Rikard; Martin, Philippe; Ottaviano, Gianmarco . and Robert-Nicoud, Frédéric (2003) Economic Geography and Public Policy. Princeton University Press.· Fujita, Masahisa; Krugman, Paul and Venables, Anthony (1999) The Spatial Economy: Cities, Regions and International Trade, MIT Press: Cambridge, MA.· Fujita, Masahisa and Thisse, Jacques-Fran?ois (2002) Agglomeration and Market Interaction, CEPR Discussion Paper No. 3362. · Henderson, J. Vernon and Thisse, Jacques-Fran?ois (2004) Handbook of Regional and Urban Economics - Volume 4: Cities and Geography, Elsevier.· Markusen, James; Melvin, James; Kaempfer, William and Maskus, Keith (1995) International Trade: Theory and Evidence, McGraw-Hill. · Neary, Peter (2001) "Of Hype and Hyperbolas: Introducing the New Economic Geography". Journal of Economic Literature, vol. 39, pp. 536-561. · Rossi-Hansberg, Esteban (2006) "A Spatial Theory of Trade". American Economic Review, vol. 95, pp. 1464-1491. · Sj?berg, ?rian and Sj?holm, Fredrik (2002) "Common Ground? Prospects for Integration the Economic Geographers of Geographers and Economists". Environment and Planning A, vol. 34, pp. 467-486. Empirics: Overview · Brakman, S.; Garretsen, H.; Gorter, J.; van der Horst, A. and Schramm, M. (2005) "New Economic Geography, Empirics, and Regional Policy". Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis working paper. · Head, Keith and Mayer, Thierry (2004) "The Empirics of Agglomeration and Trade". In: Henderson, V. and Thisse, . (eds.) Handbook of Regional and Urban Economics, Elsevier. (download pdf). · Helpman, Elhanan (1999) "Explaining the Structure of Foreign Trade: Where do We Stand?" Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 13, pp. 121-124. · Krugman, Paul (1994) "Empirical Evidence on the New Trade Theories: The Current State of Play". In: New Trade Theories, CEPR Conference Report, London. · Leamer, Edward E. (1994) "Testing Trade Theory". In: Greenaway, D. and Winters, . (ed.) Surveys in International Trade, Blackwell, Oxford. · Leamer, Edward E. and Levinsohn, James (1995) "International Trade Theory: The Evidence". In: Grossmann, G. and Rogoff, K. (eds.) Handbook of International Economics, vol. 3, Elsevier, New York. · Overman, Henry; Redding, Stephen and Venables, Anthony (2001) "The Economic Geography of Trade, Production and Income: A Survey of Empirics". CEPR Discussion Paper No. 2978. · Feenstra, Robert C., Lipsey, Robert E. and Bowen, Harry P. (1997) "World Trade Flows, 1970-1992; With Production and Tariff Data", NBER Working Paper No. 59102. DESCRIPTIVES: SPECIALISATION AND TRADE VOLUMES Trade Structures · Balassa, Bela (1965) "Trade Liberalisation and 'Revealed' Comparative Advantage". Manchester School, vol. 33, 99-123.· Bernhofen, . and Brown, . (2005) “An Empirical Assessment of the Comparative Advantage Gains from Trade: Evidence from Japan” American Economic Review, vol. 95, pp. 208-225. · Brülhart, Marius and Elliott, Robert (1998) "Adjustment to the European Single Market: Inferences from Intra-Industry Trade Patterns". Journal of Economic Studies, vol. 25., pp. 225-247. · Rice, Patricia; Stewart, Martin and Venables, Anthony J. (2002) “The Geography of Intra-Industry Trade: Empirics”. CEPR Discussion Paper No. 3368. Sectoral Specialisation / Geographic Concentration · Arbia, Guiseppe (2000) "Empirics for Regional Convergence and Polarization: The Role of Spatial Dependence". Mimeo, University of Pescara. · Brülhart, Marius (1998) "Trading Places: Industrial Specialisation in the European Union". Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 36, No. 3, pp. 319-346. · Brülhart, Marius (2001) "Evolving Geographical Specialisation of European Manufacturing Industries". Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, vol. 137, pp. 215-243. · Brülhart, Marius (2001) "Growing Alike or Growing Apart? Industrial Specialisation of EU Countries". In: Charles Wyplosz (ed.) The Impact of EMU on Europe and the Developing Countries, Oxford University Press. · Brülhart, Marius (2006) "The Fading Attraction of Central Regions: An Empirical Note on Core-Periphery Gradients in Western Europe". Spatial Economic Analysis, vol. 1, pp. 227-235. · Brülhart, Marius and Traeger, Rolf (2005) "An Account of Geographic Concentration Patterns in Europe". Regional Science and Urban Economics, vol. 35, pp. 597-624. · Desmet, Klaus and Fafchamps, Marcel (2005) "Changes in the Spatial Concentration of Employment across US Counties: a Sectoral Analysis". Journal of Economic Geography, vol. 5, pp. 261-284. · Desmet, Klaus and Fafchamps, Marcel (2006) "Employment Concentration across US Counties". Regional Science and Urban Economics, vol. 36, pp. 482-509.· Kim, Sukkoo (1995) "Expansion of Markets and the Geographic Distribution of Economic Activities: The Trends in . Regional Manufacturing Structure, 1860-1987". Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 110, pp. 881-908. · Kim, Sukkoo (1998) "Economic Integration and Convergence: US Regions, 1840-1987". Journal of Economic History, vol. 58, pp. 659-683. · Hallet, Martin (2000) "Regional Specialisation and Concentration in the EU". Economic Papers, European Commission Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, No. 141.· Redding, Stephen (2002) "Specialization Dynamics". Journal of International Economics, vol. 58, pp. 299-334. · Storper, Michael; Chen, Yun-chung and De Paolis, Fernando (2002) "Trade and the Location of Industries in the OECD and European Union". Journal of Economic Geography, vol. 2, pp. 73-107. Geographical Clustering of Firms· Devereux, Michael P.; Griffith, Rachel and Simpson, Helen (1999) "The Geographic Distribution of Production Activity in the UK". Institute for Fiscal Studies Working Paper, No. 99/26. · Dumais, Guy; Ellison, Glenn and Glaeser Edward L. (2002) "Geographic Concentration as a Dynamic Process". Review of Economics and Statistics, vol. 84, pp. 193-204. · Duranton, Gilles and Overman, Henry (2005) "Testing for Localisation Using Micro-Geographic Data". Review of Economic Studies, vol. 72, pp. 1077-1106. · Ellison, Glenn and Glaeser, Edward L. (1997) "Geographic Concentration in . Manufacturing Industries: A Dartboard Approach". Journal of Political Economy, vol. 105, pp. 889-927. · Henderson, J. Vernon (2003) "Marshall's Scale Economies". Journal of Urban Economics, vol. 53, pp. 1-28. · Lafourcade, Miren and Mion, Giordano (2007) "Concentration, Agglomeration and the Size of Plants". Regional Science and Urban Economics, vol. 37, pp. 46-68. · Marcon, Eric and Puech, Florence (2002) "Measures of Geographic Concentration of Industries: Improving Distance-Based Methods". Mimeo, University of Paris I. · Maurel, F. and Sédillot, B. (1999) "A Measure of the Geographic Concentration in French Manufacturing Industries". Regional Science and Urban Economics, vol. 29, pp. 575-604. The Gravity Model and Border Effects · Anderson, James A. and van Wincoop, Eric (2003) “Gravity with Gravitas: A Solution to the Border Puzzle”. American Economic Review, vol. 93, pp. 170-192.· Baldwin, Richard E. and Taglioni, Daria (2006) “Gravity for Dummies and Dummies for Gravity Equations”. NBER Working Paper, No. 12516. · Br?cker, Johannes (1984) “How Do International Trade Barriers Affect Interregional Trade?” In ?.E. Andersson, W. Isard, and T. Puu (eds) Regional and Industrial Development Theories: Models and Empirical Evidence, Amsterdam: North Holland.· Carrère, Céline (2006) “Revisiting the Effects of Regional Trade Agreements on Trade Flows with Proper Specification of the Gravity Model”. European Economic Review, vol. 50, pp. 223-247. · Head, Keith (2000) "Gravity for Beginners". Mimeo, University of British Columbia, Vancouver. · Head, Keith and Mayer, Thierry (2000) "Non-Europe: The Magnitude and Causes of Market Fragmentation in the EU". Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, vol. 136, pp. 285-314. · Head, Keith and Mayer, Thierry (2002) "Illusory Border Effects: Distance Mismeasurement Inflates Estimates of Home Bias in Trade". CEPII Working Paper, No. 2002-01, Paris. · Helliwell, John F. (1997) "National Borders, Trade and Migration". Pacific Economic Review, vol. 2, pp. 165-185.· McCallum, John (1995) "National Borders Matter: . Regional Trade Patterns". American Economic Review, vol. 85, pp. 615-623. · Rose, Andrew K. (2000) "One Money, One Market: The Effect of Common Currencies on Trade". Economic Policy, vol. 30, pp. 9-45. · Rauch, James E. (1999) "Networks Versus Markets in International Trade". Journal of International Economics, vol. 47, pp. 317-345. · Santos Silva, . and Tenreyro, Silvana (2006) "The Log of Gravity". Review of Economics and Statistics, vol. 88(4), pp. 641-658.· Wei, Shang-Jin (1996) "How Reluctant are Nations in Global Integration?" NBER Working Paper, No. 5531. (download pdf)· Wolf, Holger (2000) "Intra-National Home Bias in Trade" Review of Economics and Statistics, vol. 82, pp. 555-563. (download pdf) Heterogeneous Firms, FDI and Vertical Specialisation· Antràs, Pol (2003) “Firms, Contracts and Trade Structure”. Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 118, pp. 1054-1073. (download pdf) · Baldwin, Richard E. (2005) “Heterogeneous Firms and Trade: Testable and Untestable Properties of the Melitz Model”. NBER Working Papers, No. 11471. (download pdf)3. ANALYTICAL EMPIRICS: TESTING THEORIES Regressing Specialisation on its Determinants · Amiti, Mary (1999) "Specialisation Patterns in Europe". Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, vol. 135, pp. 573-593. (download pdf) Testing Neoclassical Trade Theory: Leontief, Etc. · Bernstein, . and Weinstein, . (2002) "Do Endowments Predict the Location of Production? Evidence from National and International Data". Journal of International Economics, vol. 56, pp. 55-76. (download pdf)· Bowen, H.; Leamer, E. and Sveikauskas, L. (1987) "Multicountry, Multifactor Tests of the Factor Abundance Theory". American Economic Review, vol. 77, pp. 791-809. (download pdf)· Choi, . and Krishna, P. (2004) "The Factor Content of Bilateral Trade: An Empirical Test". Journal of Political Economy, vol. 112, pp. 887-914.· Davis, Donald R. and Weinstein, David E. (2000) "International Trade as an 'Integrated Equilibrium': New Perspectives". American Economic Review (Papers and Proceedings), vol. 90, pp. 150-154. (download pdf) · Davis, Donald R. and Weinstein, David E. (2001) "An Account of Global Factor Trade". American Economic Review, vol. 91, pp. 1423-1453. (download pdf) ·· Schott, Peter K. (2003) "One Size Fits All? Heckscher-Ohlin Specialization in Global Production". American Economic Review, vol. 93, pp. 686-708.· Trefler, Daniel (1995) "The Case of the Missing Trade and Other Mysteries". American Economic Review, vol. 85, pp. 1029-1046. (download pdf) Testing the "New" Trade Theory: The Home-Market Effect, Etc. · Antweiler, Werner and Trefler, Daniel (2002) "Increasing Returns and All That: A View from Trade". American Economic Review, vol. 92, pp. 93-119. (download pdf) · Behrens, K.; Lamorgese, A.; Ottaviano, G. and Tabuchi, T. (2004) "Testing the Home-Market Effect in a Multi-Country World: The Theory". CEPR Working Paper, . (download pdf)· Brülhart, Marius and Trionfetti, Federico (2005) “A Test of Trade Theories When Expenditure Is Home Biased”. CEPR Discussion Paper, No. 5097. (download pdf)· Davis, Donald R. and Weinstein, David E. (1996) "Does Economic Geography Matter for International Specialisation?". NBER Working Paper, No. 5706. (download pdf) · Davis, Donald R. and Weinstein, David E. (1999) "Economic Geography and Regional Production Structure: An Empirical Investigation". European Economic Review, vol. 43, pp. 379-407. (download pdf) · Davis, Donald R. and Weinstein, David E. (2001) “Bones, Bombs and Break Points: The Geography of Economic Activity”. NBER Working Paper, No. 8517. (download pdf)· Davis, Donald R. and Weinstein, David E. (2003) "Market Access, Economic Geography and Comparative Advantage: An Empirical Test". Journal of International Economics, vol. 59, pp. 1-23. (download pdf) · Debaere, Peter (2005) "Monopolistic Competition and Trade, Revisited: Testing the Model without Testing for Gravity". Journal of International Economics, vol. 66, pp. 249-266. (download pdf) · Feenstra, Robert C., Markusen, James A. and Rose, Andrew K. (2001) "Using the Gravity Equation to Differentiate Among Alternative Theories of Trade". Canadian Journal of Economics, vol. 32, pp. 430-447. (download pdf) · Hanson, Gordon and Xiang, Chong (2004) "The Home-Market Effect and Bilateral Trade Patterns", American Economic Review, , pp. 1108-1129. (download pdf)· Head, Keith; Mayer, Thierry and Ries, John (2002) "On the Pervasiveness of Home-Market Effects". Economica, vol. 69, pp. 371-90. (download pdf) · Head, Keith and Ries, John (2001) "Increasing Returns Versus National Product Differentiation as an Explanation of US-Canada Trade". American Economic Review, vol. 91, pp. 858-876. (download pdf) · Hummels, David and Klenow, Peter J. (2006) "The Variety and Quality of a Nation’s Exports". American Economic Review, vol. 95, pp. 704-723. (download pdf) · Hummels, David and Levinsohn, James (1995) "Monopolistic Competition and International Trade: Reconsidering the Evidence". Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 110, pp. 799-836. (download pdf) · Redding, Stephen J. and Sturm, Daniel M. (2009) "The Costs of Remoteness: Evidence from German Division and Reunification". American Economic Review, forthcoming. (download pdf)· Tybout, James (2003) "Plant- and Firm-Level Evidence on 'New' Trade Theories". In Kwan Choi, E. and James Harrigan (eds.), Handbook of International Trade, Oxford: Basil-Blackwell. (download pdf)
Macroeconomics is a sub-field of economics that examines the behavior of the economy as a whole, once all of the individual economic decisions of companies and industries have been summed. Economy-wide phenomena considered by macroeconomics include Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and how it is affected by changes in unemployment, national income, rate of growth, and price levels. In contrast, microeconomics is the study of the economic behaviour and decision-making of individual consumers, firms, and industries. Macroeconomics can be used to analyze how to influence government policy goals such as economic growth, price stability, full employment and the attainment of a sustainable balance of payments. Macroeconomics is sometimes used to refer to a general approach to economic reasoning, which includes long term strategies and rational expectations in aggregate behavior. Until the 1930s most economic analysis did not separate out individual economics behavior from aggregate behavior. With the Great Depression of the 1930s, suffered throughout the developed world at the time, and the development of the concept of national income and product statistics, the field of macroeconomics began to expand. Particularly influential were the ideas of John Maynard Keynes, who formulated theories to try to explain the Great Depression. Before that time, comprehensive national accounts, as we know them today, did not exist . One of the challenges of economics has been a struggle to reconcile macroeconomic and microeconomic models. Starting in the 1950s, macroeconomists developed micro-based models of macroeconomic behavior (such as the consumption function). Dutch economist Jan Tinbergen developed the first comprehensive national macroeconomic model, which he first built for the Netherlands and later applied to the United States and the United Kingdom after World War II. The first global macroeconomic model, Wharton Econometric Forecasting Associates LINK project, was initiated by Lawrence Klein and was mentioned in his citation for the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in 1980. Theorists such as Robert Lucas Jr suggested (in the 1970s) that at least some traditional Keynesian (after British economist John Maynard Keynes) macroeconomic models were questionable as they were not derived from assumptions about individual behavior, although it was not clear whether the failures were in microeconomic assumptions or in macroeconomic models. However, New Keynesian macroeconomics has generally presented microeconomic models to shore up their macroeconomic theorizing, and some Keynesians have contested the idea that microeconomic foundations are essential, if the model is analytically useful. An analogy might be that the fact that quantum phisics is not fully consistent with relativity theory doesn´t mean that realtivity is false. Many important microeconomic assumptions have never been proved, and some have proved wrong. The various schools of thought are not always in direct competition with one another - even though they sometimes reach differing conclusions. Macroeconomics is an ever evolving area of research. The goal of economic research is not to be "right," but rather to be accurate. It is likely that none of the current schools of economic thought perfectly capture the workings of the economy. They do, however, each contribute a small piece of the overall puzzle. As one learns more about each school of thought, it is possible to combine aspects of each in order to reach an informed synthesis. The traditional distinction is between two different approaches to economics: Keynesian economics, focusing on demand; and supply-side (or neo-classical) economics, focusing on supply. Neither view is typically endorsed to the complete exclusion of the other, but most schools do tend clearly to emphasize one or the other as a theoretical foundation. • Keynesian economics focuses on aggregate demand to explain levels of unemployment and the business cycle. That is, business cycle fluctuations should be reduced through fiscal policy (the government spends more or less depending on the situation) and monetary policy. Early Keynesian macroeconomics was "activist," calling for regular use of policy to stabilize the capitalist economy, while some Keynesians called for the use of incomes policies. • Supply-side economics delineates quite clearly the roles of monetary policy and fiscal policy. The focus for monetary policy should be purely on the price of money as determined by the supply of money and the demand for money. It advocates a monetary policy that directly targets the value of money and does not target interest rates at all. Typically the value of money is measured by reference to gold or some other reference. The focus of fiscal policy is to raise revenue for worthy government investments with a clear recognition of the impact that taxation has on domestic trade. It places heavy emphasis on Say's law, which states that recessions do not occur because of failure in demand or lack of money. • Monetarism, led by Milton Friedman, which holds that inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon. It rejects fiscal policy because it leads to "crowding out" of the private sector. Further, it does not wish to combat inflation or deflation by means of active demand management as in Keynesian economics, but by means of monetary policy rules, such as keeping the rate of growth of the money supply constant over time. • New Keynesian economics, which developed partly in response to new classical economics, strives to provide microeconomic foundations to Keynesian economics by showing how imperfect markets can justify demand management. • Austrian economics is a laissez-faire school of macroeconomics. It focuses on the business cycle that arises from government or central-bank interference that leads to deviations from the natural rate of interest. • Post-Keynesian economics represents a dissent from mainstream Keynesian economics, emphasizing the role of uncertainty and the historical process in macroeconomics. • New classical economics. The original theoretical impetus was the charge that Keynesian economics lacks microeconomic foundations -- . its assertions are not founded in basic economic theory. This school emerged during the 1970s. This school asserts that it does not make sense to claim that the economy at any time might be "out-of-equilibrium". Fluctuations in aggregate variables follow from the individuals in the society continuously re-optimizing as new information on the state of the world is revealed. Later yielded an explicit school which argued that macro-economics does not have micro-economic foundations, but is instead the tool of studying economic systems at equilibrium. 宏观经济学是一种分场经济学的行为,研究是在整个经济中,一旦所有的个人的经济决策,为公司和产业被。宏观经济学认为经济现象包括国内生产总值(GDP)以及它是如何变化影响失业的国民收入的)经济成长率、价格水平。相反,微观经济学研究的就是经济行为和决策的个体消费者,公司和行业。宏观经济学可以用来分析如何影响政府的政策的目标,比如经济增长,价格稳定,充分就业和获取可持续国际收支差额。宏观经济学有时用来指一个经济理论的主要途径,包括长期战略的期望和理性综合行为。直到30年代为止,大部分的经济分析没有独立的个人经济综合行为举止。与1930年代的经济大萧条,遭受了在所有发达国家,发展国民收入的概念和产品的统计数据,但是研究领域的宏观经济学开始扩展。具有特殊影响力的想法是,约翰•梅纳德凯恩斯理论,努力向他们解释制定了经济大萧条。在那时候,综合国民经济核算,如同我们知道他们今天,是不存在的。经济学的一个挑战是一场斗争调和宏观经济政策和微观经济政策,模型。开始于20世纪50年代,macroeconomists发达micro-based模型的宏观经济行为(如消费函数)。1月Tinbergen荷兰经济学家第一个全面发展国家宏观经济模型,该模型他第一次建成为荷兰和后应用于美国和英国二战之后。第一个全球宏观经济模型,沃顿计量预测伙伴联系工程项目,发生在劳伦斯发起克莱恩和被提及他的嘉奖经济学诺贝尔经济学奖1980年。理论家如罗伯特·卢卡斯认为(是在上世纪70年代),认为至少有一些传统的凯恩斯(英国经济学家约翰梅纳德凯恩斯)宏观经济模型都是可疑的,因为他们不是来源于假设的个人行为,虽然现在还不清楚这些失败在微观经济的假定,或是对宏观经济模型。然而,最新凯恩斯主义的宏观微观模型提出了大致以支持他们的宏观经济理论有争议,一些凯恩斯主义者的想法,微观经济基础是必要的,如果模型是分析有用的。打个比方可能是,这样的事实,即量子phisics并不完全符合相对论´,并不代表没有realtivity是假的。许多重要的微观经济假设从来没有被证明,而有些人的证明是错误的。各种各样的思想学派并不总是在彼此的直接竞争,尽管他们有时会达到不同的结论。宏观经济学是一种前所未有的领域的研究。研究经济学的目标不是"正确",而是是精确的。很有可能是学校目前尚无一个经济思想完全捕捉运作方式的经济。不过,他们的贡献每一小块整体难题。当你学会更多关于每个思想学派,它能把方面的每一个为了达到一个通知的合成。传统的区别是留给经济学两种不同的方法,重点凯恩斯经济学和供方需求;(或古典)经济学、关注供应。也都是典型的观点完全排除其他,但大多数学校都往往清晰地强调一个或另一个是的理论基础。•凯恩斯经济学交融在总需求,以解释失业率和商业周期。商业周期波动,应减少通过财政政策(政府花费或多或少根据实际情况)和货币政策。早期凯恩斯主义的宏观经济学是“活动家,定期使用《召唤的政策稳定资本主义经济,虽然有些凯恩斯主义要求使用收入政策。•供给的经济学的作用很明显地在当前货币政策与财政政策。关注于货币政策应该是完全对价格的钱所确定的货币供应的需求的特点,为了金钱。它提倡货币政策,直接目标钱的价值,不目标利率。典型的钱的价值在于用参考金或其他参考。财政政策的重点是提高政府农业投资价值的收入为一个明确的认识税收的影响在国内贸易。它设置了过度强调了说的法律,它表明不会发生经济衰退需求下降、因为没有缺钱。•货币主义的带领下,由弗里德曼,认为始终通货膨胀是一种货币现象。财政政策拒绝,因为会导致“挤退”的私人生活。此外,它不希望对抗通货膨胀或通货紧缩采用主动需求管理在凯恩斯经济学,通过货币政策规则,即坚持的增长速度恒定的钱。凯恩斯•新经济发达的部分原因是为了适应新古典经济学、致力于提供凯恩斯现代经济学的微观经济基础显示出了市场的不完善就能名正言顺的需求管理等。•奥地利经济学是个自由放任主义的学校的宏观经济。它侧重于商业周期,而政府或中央银行的干扰导致偏离自然失业率的兴趣。•Post-Keynesian经济学所代表了凯恩斯经济学主流的作用,强调历史过程中不确定性和宏观经济。•新古典经济学。原理论动力的费用是凯恩斯经济学缺乏有效的微观经济基础——亦即其断言不成立于基本经济理论。这所学校出现在20世纪70年代。这所学校断言它是没有道理的主张经济会随时out-of-equilibrium”。波动的总变量遵从的在这个社会的个人不断re-optimizing新信息的状态的世界就会显现出来。后来取得了一个显式学校一样,认为宏观经济学没有微观经济基础,反而学习经济系统的工具在平衡。
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一, 与市场,运营情况有关的形容词小结形容市场活跃, 繁荣1 dynamic 有活力的,有生机的2 prosperous 繁荣的3 brisk 兴隆的4 volatile 不稳定的, 活跃浮动的形容市场萧条,不景气5 bleak 惨淡凄凉的6 declining 下滑的,衰退的7 slump 委靡的8 sluggish 不景气,萧条的9 stagnant 停滞不前的, 萧条的二, 关于是“商品”的小结10 merchandise 商品(集合名词)(单数)11 goods 货物(复)12 commodity 商品, 期货futures 13 product 产品 14 produce 农产品 15 freight 运输的货物 ; 运费 16 cargo (船,飞机) 装载的货物 三, 和会议,集会有关的词小结17 convoke 召集18 rally 集合 19 gathering 聚会 20 function 集会，仪式event, happeningOur sports day is the most important function of the year.运动会那一天是我们一年里最盛大的活动。21 adjourn 延会,休会22 confer 商谈四, 常见犯罪小结23 mug 抢劫,(从背后袭击)24 steal 偷 25 loot 抢夺26 pickpocket 扒手27 burglary 夜盗28 smuggle 走私五, 常见支付方式小结29 by cash 现金 30 by check 支票31 by credit card 信用卡32 by money order 汇票33 by installment 分期伏款34 by mail 邮寄六, 关于性格的描述小节35 outgoing 外向活泼36 sociable 善于交际37 adaptable 适应性强38 ambitious 有野心39 hard-working 工作努力40 energetic 有活力41 enterprising 富于进取,有创业精神42 honest 诚实43 reserved 保守,稳重44 responsible 负责 45 optimistic 乐观46 independent 独立 七, 名词1 inflation 通货膨胀2 deflation 通货紧缩3 feasibility 可行性4 overhaul 彻底检查 5 custom 海关6 bruise 擦伤7 indices 是index的复数 注意读音是 / / (听力) 8 commotion 暴动,骚乱9 interest rate 利率10 disposition (1)性情气质 (2) 处理11 carat, karat 克拉12 hallmark 品质证明, 纯正之证明13 asylum 收容所, 养老院 14 orphanage 孤儿院15 morale 士气,人心16 pennant 锦旗17 vicinity 附近, 短语是 in the ~ of 18 interrogation 询问,审讯 短语是 put sb under ~19 intersection 交点20 intermission 休息时间 21 physician 内科医生22 surgeon 外科医生, 军医,船医23 breadwinner 养家糊口的人24 recipe 食谱,方法25 tender 招标,a public ~, ask for tender26 syllabus 课程纲要27 Spaniard 西班牙人28 dispassion 冷静客观29 levity 轻率30 expulsion 开除,除籍31 defamation 诽谤32 payroll 薪水册,工资表33 contraction 收缩 34 renewal 更新35 deduction 扣除(额)36 escalator 电动扶梯37 elevator 电梯,升降梯(美)38 lift 电梯(英)39 emblem 象征标志 同logo symbol 40 dereliction 玩忽职守 ~ of duty41 milk shake 奶昔42 endorsement 背书保证,找明星代言43 approbation 批准许可44 probation 试用 trial 45 deference 顺从尊重46 minor infraction 轻微违法major violation 重大47 vacate 疏散 evacuation 48 anarchy 无政府49 collusion 共谋,勾结50 downturn 下滑take a sudden downturn 51 spa 温泉52 freelance writer 自由撰稿人53 articles 用品,商品54 management 资方 union 工会55 turnover 运转,周转56 turnout (集会)出席者a large turnout 57 annuity 养老金 pension 58 extension 分机59 innovation 革新翻新, renovation装修60 dosage 剂量61 rash 疹子62 clientele 顾客,老主顾63 leave 请假 He is often absent without leave 64 partition 隔间,区分65 junk 垃圾 punk 朋克 66 menopause 更年期 67 razor 剃刀68 crop strains 作物品种 69 headphone 耳机earphone70 automated teller machine 自动提款机ATM71 civilians 听力中注意与surveillance区分72 subsidiary 子公司 73 strip mining 露天采矿74 national (某国的)国民 we employ various nationals at our local companies. 75 mortgage 抵押76 compartment 隔间 Ask the flight attendant if we can put our things in that compartment 77 helping (食物的)一分I had a second helping 78 subcontractor 转包商79 speculation 投机 ~ in real estate80 avocation 副业81 kickback 回扣82 spectator 观众 audience 听众 83 stroller (1)四轮婴儿车 (2)漫步者84 seniority 年长,资深 ~ has priority 85 toner 调色剂86 luncheon 正式午餐，下午餐会87 fa�0�4ade 建筑物正面（法）88 decoy 欺，引诱 envoy 使者，代表 alloy 合金 convoy 护送陪伴 89 interface 交互界面 (desktop 桌面) desktop video conference 桌面视频会议90 boutiques 小店精品店 banquet宴会 bouquet 花束 91 casino 俱乐部，游乐场92 complex 整套设施 (an office complex) Oedipus complex93 commencement ceremony授学位典礼 inception开始 induction 入伍94 modem 调制解调器95 fraud 96 magnate 工业巨头97 gourmet 美食家98 ordinance 法令99 cursor 光标100 liaison 交流合作 101 portfolio 公文包，文件夹 102 corrosives 易腐蚀品103 corporation 企业， (听力中注意和cooperation区分)104 minute 会议录105 recreation 娱乐，休闲 =relaxation 八, 动词1 strand 使搁浅，陷入困境2 relate 叙述3 facilitate 使便利4 excel 优出胜出 ~ in 名词 excellence 5 exceed 超过6 remit 汇款，宽恕7 highlight 强调8 inoculate 接种9 vaccinate 接种疫苗10 remedy 补救11 undermine 诋毁 12 reverse 颠倒 ~ the verdict 判决13 slam 使劲关 ~ dunk14 equip 配备15 capsize 倾覆（船）16 simmer 炖，煨17 retrench 减少，节约18 discredit 使失去权威性，破坏名誉的19 curb 阻止，控制 ~ the use of marijuana 20 process 加工21intercept 中途拦截 22 segregate 隔离，分开分离23 quarantine 隔离检疫24 seclude 隔绝，隐退，隐秘25 appeal 呼吁，恳求，上诉26 lift 解除，提起精神27 rescind 废止，取消28 audit 查帐29 condemn 非难，判罪30 condone 宽恕，容忍31 deviate 偏离，跑题 ~ from 32 disabuse 解惑，矫正 33 disavow 否认34 transfuse 输血35 mingle 交往，混合36 forfeit 没收 confiscate 37 staple 用订书器钉 ADJ 主要的重要的38 deregulate 解除对---的管制39 block 阻挡N 楼40 launch 推出新产品，实施 (an investigation into the scandal) 41 house V. 为---提供住房42 expel 开除，驱除43 reimburse 报销，伏款 = refund44 observe 遵守 ~ the smoking rule45 syndicate （在报刊，杂志联盟）多家报刊上同时发表 46 commute 通勤47 rotate 旋转，循环48 implement 实行49 liquidate 清算，清偿债务50 accrue 增长，自然增殖九, 形容词1 fragile 易碎的2 latter 后者3 latest 最新的 4 later 过一会，过后5 eligible 合格的 illegible 难懂的 6 edible 可食用的 audible 可听到的 7 duplicate 副本的，复制的8 potamic 河川的 9 faulty 有错误的 ~ transformer 变压器 10 supersonic 超音速的11 foremost 首要的 12 affluent 富足的13 explicit 明晰的 14 implicit 暗含的15 hustle-bustle 熙来攘往16 obese 肥胖的17 manifold 各样的，多种18 imprudent 轻率的19 effete 疲惫枯竭 20 ebullient 沸腾的，热情洋溢的21 enervated 无力的衰弱的22 spacious 宽敞的23 selective 精挑细选的24 precocious 早熟的，过早的 25 remiss 疏忽的26 facile 容易的，流畅的27 intangible 无形的28 illicit 不合法的 = illegal 29 diagonal 对角线的 30 methodically 有条不紊的31definitive 限定的，决定的32 plausible 似合理的33 propitious 吉祥的，有利的34 auspicious 吉祥的35 intelligible 可识别的36 inflammable 易燃的37 nonflammable 不易燃的38 quality 质量好的 ~~ product/items/materials 39 state-of-the-art 最新水平40 illegitimate 不合法的，私生的41 tailored 定制的 ~ devise programs to our needs 42 custom-made = tailor-made 特制的43mandatory 强制性的44 provisional—temporary 暂时的，临时的45luxurious 奢侈的46 bear market ”熊市”，也称空头市场，指行情普遍看淡。延续时间相对较长的大跌。47 bull market ”牛市”，也称多头市场，指市场行情普遍看涨，延续时间较长的大升。48 clean 的其他说法： 卫生的hygienic（名词hygiene）干净的 sanitary49 tricky 棘手的，复杂的（工作） 50 languishing 衰弱下去的十 词组1 a handful of people 少数的人2 adjacent to 与---临近3 put on airs 摆架子4 discharge from hospital 出院5 halt buses and subway all day 使公车地铁一天停止6 graphic design 平面设计7 3D design 三维设计8 medical insurance coverage 保险项目，范围9 default rate 拖欠债务率10 full professor 正教授11 potent antibiotics 强效抗生素12 make a rule of doing something 形成---习惯13 chanber of commerce 商会 14 leteter of credit (L/C) 信用证（支付方式的一种）15 stock dividend 股息16 devaluation of the currency 货币贬值17 sprain one’s ankle 扭伤脚踝18 holistic medicine 整体医学19insurance premium 保险费用20 his Hair receding from his fore head 从前额掉头发21 express train 快车 limited train 特快车22 probation/trial period 试用期23 take a hard line with 强权策略 24 tread mission 贸易代表团25 long term objective 长期目标26 the audit department 审纪部27 International Herald Tribune 国际先驱论坛28 top copy 复印原件29 take steps to do 着手落实Many countries have taken steps to improve airport security。 30 pertaining to 适合，合宜，关于 31 a panorama of 齐全，品种繁多 32 24 hours a day = 7 days a week 24小时营业，无休息33 dog days 三伏34 column writer 栏目作者35 staff appraisal 员工评估36 at one’s fingertips 在手头，目前37 lodge and accommodation 膳宿38 fringe benefit 福利，补贴 39 go into liquidation 倒闭40 lag behind 落后 41 phase something out 逐步废止42 write—offs 破旧的无从修理43 abide strictly by 严格恪守44 clearance sale 清仓大处理45 have/take title to 有---特权46 staff attendant 员工出勤情况47 down payment 定金，分期付款的首次款 48 know-how 专项技能，窍门49 cross-reference 互相参照50 labor-intensive industry 劳动密集型行业 一篇中国09年经济展望的论文：Chinese economic outlook for 2009From my point of view, generally speaking, china would forced to face many challenges in 2009 due to the undertaking recession issues, but in the global economic world, it would still be expected to act as one of the first countries to get recovered from the recession. There are five major issues regards to Chinese economic condition in 2009. First, China will be challenged by the influence from international economic crisis. Secondly, due to the combination impact from the home and abroad, the macroeconomic regulation in China would become more complicated; in another word, it may result in a repeating domestic inflation and deflation. Thirdly, the above situations might have side-effects on Chinese stock market and real estate market; further, the small and medium companies might face serious liquidation issues. In Addition, there is a great possibility of a dramatic decline on the employment rate. Last but not least, it would become tremendous difficulty for government to maintain a balanced financial status and also inject further confidence into Chinese economic. To sum up, from the above analysis, it is clear that the economic situation in China for 2009 is not in positive. However, with more focus on Chinese domestic market and increasing living allowances of our lower-income groups, it is possible to achieve a stabilized economic and social position even in such a serious condition.
第一步--了解自己单位或者学校的要求是前提,比方说:关于期刊级别的要求是省级期刊还是国家级?多跑跑人事处或者科技处了解下对期刊刊号是否有特殊要求,字数有没有要求,主管单位有没有要求,是否正刊有没有要求,哪个数据库收录有没有要求等等等……之后,才是出去联系符合要求的期刊或者杂志社.以最为熟悉的经济类、教育类评比要求为例,他们通常只要求期刊是新闻总署可查且能被知网、万方或者维普三个数据库中的一个收录就行,到时候单位审核的时候,在数据库文章可查即可.有的不是太严的地区,有所发表刊物的样刊就已经足够,甚至对于刊物是否是正刊,都没什么要求.第一步中需要注意的常见情况:①正刊(增套刊是无效的,要慎重选择)②以数据库收录时间为准(则不要把拿到刊物的时间当成期刊收录的时间,因为拿到刊物之后一般1到3个月左右数据库才会收录)③电子刊号期刊是否有效(这个比较容易被忽略,查一个期刊的刊号是否为电子刊号应该到新闻出版总署期刊查询里查刊号是属于期刊号还是连续电子出版物刊号)④在第一批和第二批学术期刊目录里(这属于比较高的要求了,如果评比细则里要求这条的话,很多刊物会被排除在外,一定要选择在目录里的期刊)第二步--联系杂志社投稿第一种方式,不用我说大家一般会想到万能的淘宝或者百度,搜索XX发表.销量排名前几名的商家提供代写代发,服务.优点:比较方便,容易想到.....缺点:价格一般很高、为了冲业绩诱导发某某期刊、旺旺客服专业性差,emm...有不少家连电子刊号和普刊刊号都区分不清....第二种方式,去数据库(泛指知网和万方)下载所要发表刊物的征稿函,征稿函里一般有官方的联系方式,直接按格式整理,按要求投稿即可.优点:真实性毋庸置疑.缺点:按要求修改稿件,邮箱投稿是很耗费精力的一件事儿,况且一些好的刊物还存在社内邮箱被黑客黑掉,然后冒充编辑部发录用通知书的可能.因此这种方法适合不着急见刊的人群,稳妥放心.第三种方式,去微博、公众号也可以寻找到一些官方联系方式,有的杂志社开通了微博或者公众号优点:比找征稿函更高效缺点:你可能都不知道要在微博或者公众号上搜索啥内容(就是刊物名称)……选择好期刊了,就应该开始写稿了看好期刊的征文要求、格式、字号、排版、每版的字数等,这个过程枯燥而繁琐但又必须要做.写稿方面,投核心期刊以及以上级别的我没什么好教的要靠你自己,毕竟我的学术水平不够;非核心期刊的话如果文章选题没有敲定就去知网多查查资料,如果没思路的借鉴现成稿子的思路(原谅我说的不能更直白……仅普刊适用该方法),然后保证你文章的重复率能通过学术不端检测,就可以了.再再再再实在憋不出来的可以单独问我.......第四步--投稿给编辑部进行审核按照社内的要求、版面字数去写稿之后投过去,然后等待录用通知,出了录用通知之后,沟通好刊物的刊期和出刊时间(很!关!键!),投稿就基本完成了,后续等待出刊即可.再问问收不收版面费或者给不给你稿费(哈哈,稿费建议别报希望),能电话查稿的期刊尽量电话查稿,一是为了自己放心,二是避免社内邮箱被盗防止自己钱,三是避免浪费时间成本.(本回答由学术堂整理提供)
经济类期刊其实有很多，其中核心类经济刊含金量比较高的，而且投稿难度也是很大的，所以大家在投稿之前一定要慎重考虑好这个问题，有些人在核心期刊上发表论文也比较担心，其实建议大家去投经济与管理评论，或者是应用经济学区域经济等这些企业管理经验方面的文稿，这些通过率可能会更高一些。
现在有很多的在校大学生会在这期间给期刊投稿，但是他们根本就不知道怎样去投，而且有些期刊的通过率并没有这么容易，建议大家也可以选择财会月刊，因为这本是财会方面的期刊，也有经济方面的，它的优点就是审稿会比较快，而且见刊的速度也是很快的，一般审稿通过的话都会有稿费，作为大学生来说也可以赚取一点零用钱，其实现在很多的大学生都会在毕业期间通过投稿来赚取自己的零花钱，这也是一个非常不错的方式。
如果不约稿的话经济核心还是有很多的，但是在投稿之前一定要慎重考虑自己所选择的是否能够通过审核，而且是否能够见刊，其实经济类核心刊一共有100多种，所以在选择的时候一定要考虑每一种的利与弊或者是它的审核速度，如果不懂的话可以找经验丰富的学姐或者是学长，了解一下到底该如何去选择我觉得最重要就是选择自己擅长的来投稿，每一个人可能在一个区域都有自己擅长的东西，所以一定要懂得如何发挥自己的优势，在那片区域里面发光发热，其实中国现在有很多的大学生，有些大学生刚毕业就面临着失业，因为他们根本就找不到很好的工作，而且有些学生手高眼低，大公司一般不会要这种没有经验的学生小公司的工资又很低，所以他们刚毕业就面临着失业。
经济类的普刊不难
企业研究，国家经济类核心期刊，经济研究，世界经济，这几个经济类的核心期刊都是比较好发表的，但是大多数的大学生他们在学术能力是比较弱的，对于论文的发表能力也是需要有待提高的；以上这几个期刊都是比较好发表的，而且他们的通过率都是很高的。
首先，目前的经济增长率尚未超出我国潜在的经济增长能力。其次，大量商品不是供不应求而是供大于求。物价上涨是在前几年物价长期负增长或零增长的基础上涨价，是一种恢复性上涨，是我们几年来治理通货紧缩要达到的目的。第三，能源或原材料等基础行业除了电力、钢铁等供给暂时比较紧张外，并没有出现明显的全面供给紧张，目前在建的基础行业供给能力很快便足以缓解暂时供给压力。第四，资产“价格泡沫”也仅在局部地区的房地产有一定的体现，在政府一系列措施调控后，形势已开始好转。全国房地产价格上涨只约为5%，股市则已低迷两年半。
这次经济危机起因、预防与解决方案一、 经济危机的起源、发展(一)、能源在国际供求关系中形成的紧张新局面随着发展中国家的迅猛发展,世界对能源的需求形势紧张起来。1、 以石油、煤炭为代表的能源类商品供求紧张局面2、 钢铁、石灰等基本生产材料供不应求社会的发展离不开对能源类的需求,拥有充足的能源,是发展经济的必要动力保证3、运输业的空前繁荣巨大物资的转移依托于运输业的广泛深入发展,使世界加大对能源的需求成为现实,无论是海上运输业、陆地运输业还是航空运输业的工作量与强度日益紧张起来(二)、在恶意炒作下,泡沫的急剧发展由于这样的现状,世界各大投资与投机商紧张的忙碌于各行各业发展预期的计算、目前实现盈利状况的计算中,忙碌于社会各行各业的实体经济调研中,忙碌于计算自身的赢余如何分配与有效利用中。由于社会经济发展速度上的飞跃,最终,各经济领域无论是投资和投机无法等到取得实际调研结果,被迫凭借对经济的预期进入这个飞速发展的经济体系中。1、石油价格长期以来一直受不稳定供求关系影响(1)、石油是世界交易最活跃的商品,世界上各类投资银行、对冲基金、各种各样的纷繁复杂的机构乃至很多国家对石油都存在着或多或少的炒作嫌疑。出于各种各样的原因,出现了暴炒原油价格的投机。(2)、从发展中国家来看,未来发展空间十分巨大,这样导致发展中国家大量囤积石油,以备未来发展之需。但随着发展中国家大量囤积石油,原本已不稳定的石油供需格局被严重打乱,价格与日俱增。(3)、世界部分发达国家预期到发展中国家对石油的这一需求形势,为了保证本国民族产业的稳定发展,囤积了大量石油,在各类投资银行、对冲基金的进一步积极参与中,早已把石油价格炒到一个相对的高位,但随着预期的逐步实现与库存是持续消耗、国内的需求状况和石油价格逐步走高,还会大量跟进买入石油,所以价格越涨越高。(4)这一时期,恰好世界上提出能源枯竭论,成为石油价格暴涨的理论依据,到达了历史从未有过的高位。这其中,国际汇率变化对石油价格波动也有一定影响,但不是形成金融危机的主要原因,就不一一阐述了。但事情总会有尽头的时侯,当各国都囤积了大量石油之时,生产方还未弄清楚这样暴涨是什么原因?由市场规律调节着石油价格已开始逐步走低,随着世界各国不再大量囤积石油,现实中对石油需求有没有预期那样高,石油价格逐步走向低谷。目前,石油价格在日趋平稳。2、起源于世界对能源类商品的需求,运输业首当其冲,西方资本主义国家中的投资银行、投资机构纷纷投身于炒波罗的海指数(海洋运输指数)中,随着波罗的海指数的日益攀升,各发展中国家的相关行业利用手中闲余资金盲目的投身于这一行列中,致使指数空前高涨,形成了巨额收益空间,也形成了巨大的泡沫,各类投资银行与投资机构纷纷撤出离场,巨大泡沫迅速破裂。(三)、能源价格急剧变化背后的实体经济链条又发生着怎样变化呢?1、高级金融衍生品种的破裂——次贷危机世界各国实体经济中类似美国房利美、房地美这样状况大量存在。(1)、次贷危机的根本运行规律我国已经通过各种媒体为大众进行解读了。大家都已经了解这个问题的发生、发展情况了。随着次级抵押贷款机构破产、投资基金被迫关闭、股市剧烈震荡引起的风暴愈演愈烈,它致使全球主要金融市场隐约出现流动性不足危机。其起源于发展滞缓的房地产行业对盈利的奢求,以维持日渐放缓的成长性。(一部分为引用)(2)、建造不稳定的经济格局,在无任何保证的情况下出售贷款两家公司为美国房贷市场提供稳定和流动的资金,他们不直接把贷款借给购屋人。相反,他们从银行和其他放贷者那儿购买按揭合同,给银行或放贷者腾出更多的现金再贷给买房人士,或延长更多的贷款;然后他们把从银行买来的按揭合同加以包装,变成住房抵押贷款证券,再把“包装品”转手出售给共同基金、养老基金、保险公司或个人投资者。使泡沫经济发展到了一个极致,本身为公司贷款,又是下游的消费贷款——双重泡沫经济效应(以后称之为双重泡沫)(见附1)。房地产市场不景气,甚至出现拖欠、断供,法拍屋的金额不值其控股的房贷按揭,使这两家公司受到严重打击,这种经济模式给世界各国经济正常发展埋下了极大隐患。2、投资与投机及恶意炒作之间的矛盾不断激化投资与投机及恶意炒作之间的矛盾在原经济(经济发展相对比较缓慢)状况下达到了一个相对平衡的局势,伴随着发展中国家经济的不断加速发展,对各类物资的需求不断加大,这一相对平衡的局势被打破。投机领域日益活跃,各经济领域无处不充斥着投机取巧,以迅速获取最大投机收益,时间就是金钱,已经没有人研究去怎样投资了,有些人这时候提出了“劳动价值批判论”,由于利益的驱使,各经济领域原本正常发展的局势被打乱,一些企业主管财务的人员不来企业上班了,搞经济研究的不去研究经济规律了,行政管理人员也不去认真管理了,大商小贩也纷纷加入,各类人群在共同的目标下进入了股市、期货、能源、贵金属等各种可交易的金融领域进行大量而频繁的交易,以套取大量现金。人类似乎从此不再需要去改造社会了,不再用劳动去创造财富了,开始重视投机、炒作,使原本就不平稳的各类市场变得更加活跃起来,各种价格飞速增长;实体经济领域由于缺少资金注入,各类物价高涨,甚至劳动力大量流出,各类企业举步维艰,并且有相当一部分资金在飞速的流出,实体经济正逐步走向衰退,种种矛盾日益激化。人的主观能动性更加充分的体现在暴炒、恶意投机中。3、世界经济一体化与各个国家经济独立发展不相称投资银行与投资基金从规范经营上可以视为是规范发展的,是在一定规范、规章、制度指导下进行合法、合规的生产经营。其优点是可以使发展薄弱的经济体在整体经济发展中呈现平衡共同发展的态势。由于人类所构建的“平衡发展”态势并不稳定,社会是不停歇的发展着的,人类也从未停止过创造价值与财富。所以,怎样有效控制投资银行、投资基金、乃至于经济高速增长背后的全球化全民参预的经济大发展、大繁荣背后的资金量与现金流成为全球化经济危机的隐形杀手,这一课题就突现出来。如何规范全球化金融市场,这个已经脱离本国经济领域的问题,有待世界各国经济学家、社会学家与政治家共同面对与探讨解决方案——全球经济一体化新经济格局如何有效控制其发展趋势。不管怎样,这个问题需要今后逐步解决,我们看到这次全球经济一体化带来的经济危机冲击着每一个家庭、每一个国家、甚至是区域性国家经济共同体,全球经济一体化与世界上各经济体的单独发展不相称。4、实体经济产业链条的断裂(1)、由于石油等能源类商品价格高涨,吞没了相关产业的巨大利润,使其无法继续正常运转,无法产出价值,从而带来了相继停业、亏损、破产与倒闭。(2)、资金链的断裂。正常生产经营制造出来的利润比不上投机、炒作带来的利润大,必然形成轻生产,重投机这一趋势,甚至有人提出“劳动价值批判论”这样的论调。使实体经济雪上加霜,保证正常运营的资金大量撤出,使一部分企业只能保证基本运转,无发展可言。伴随着这个巨大泡沫的破裂,给社会各阶层的资金造成巨额亏损,企业资金由于错误投机无法回流进行生产经营,现实世界中的大量企业都面临着营运资金短缺这个难题。由于各类企业无法正常运转,货物积压,销路不畅,企业周转不灵,开始形成员工失业局面。(3)、失业队伍迅速扩大,失业比例迅速上升形成消费指数迅速下降。由于失业人员不断增加,人心惶恐,有工作的担心会失业,没有工作就意味着没有经济来源,社会无法为消费者提供信心保证与资金保证,消费能力迅速减弱,消费市场迅速退缩,社会上形成无法持续消费的现状,企业在市场中收回资金愈难,面临更加困难的处境,失业人数将持续上升,形成恶性循环。正是由于这样经济一步一步走向危机,并且愈演愈裂,最终,造成世界性金融危机。二、金融危机给世界各国经济造成的严重后果1、企业不能正常运转停产、关闭、破产… …2、社会上除政府维持一部分部门正常运转,社会上其他很多行业失去了原有功能。3、百姓大量失业,缺少收入保证,治安状况恶化,社会不稳定。这次世界性经济危机对实体经济的多重打击十分严重,发达国家尤为突出,若不采取积极有效的救助措施,经济将会持续衰退3-5年。
一、全面准确把握当前的经济形势当前国内外环境仍然极为复杂，不稳定、不确定性因素还不少。从国际看，主要经济体经济恢复增长，但失业率仍然处于高位，一些国家财政赤字高企，一些国家主权债务危机隐患仍然没有消除；主要货币汇率波动加剧，国际市场粮食、石油等大宗商品价格不断上涨；通胀压力正在从新兴经济体扩大到发达经济体。世界经济还没有走上正常增长的轨道，目前又出现了两个变数。一是西亚、北非政局动荡，推动能源价格持续攀升，对世界经济增长和通胀形成双重冲击；二是日本地震、海啸和核辐射灾害，短期内将严重影响日本经济，不可避免要影响世界经济复苏进程。从国内看，虽然发展的有利条件较多，各方面发展的积极性很高，但面临的挑战也不少，除了一些体制性、结构性等长期存在的问题外，经济运行中的一些突出矛盾没有明显缓解，主要是物价上涨比较快、通胀预期增强，房地产市场成交量萎缩、多数城市房价还在上涨，宏观调控仍然面临较大压力。我们一定要保持清醒头脑，增强忧患意识，充分估计面临形势的复杂性和严峻性，冷静观察，沉着应对，未雨绸缪，做好应对各种困难和风险的准备，坚持处理好保持经济平稳较快发展、调整经济结构和管理通胀预期的关系，进一步巩固经济发展的好势头，确保实现今年经济社会发展目标，为“十二五”开好局起好步。二、切实实施好稳健的货币政策实施稳健的货币政策，是中央综合分析国内外形势作出的重要决策，是宏观调控必须坚持的方向，关键是要把握好调控的力度和节奏。今年以来，我们已经3次提高存款准备金率，2次提高存贷款基准利率，目前广义货币增速趋近调控目标，但成果需要巩固和加强，实施稳健货币政策的大环境没有改变。一是银行间市场利率保持在低位，银行体系流动性与正常水平和合理需求相比仍然充裕。二是结售汇顺差处于较高水平，造成基础货币大量被动投放，加上二季度到期央票和回购规模较大，仍存在对冲流动性压力。三是输入性通胀压力和通胀预期仍然较强。因此，要保持宏观经济政策的连续性、稳定性，提高针对性、灵活性、有效性。一是处理好控制货币总量和改善结构的关系。把好流动性总闸门，保持合理的社会融资规模和节奏，综合运用好公开市场操作、存款准备金率、利率等多种价格和数量工具，进一步完善人民币汇率形成机制，增强人民币汇率弹性，消除通货膨胀的货币条件。同时，要着力优化结构，引导商业银行加大对重点领域和薄弱环节特别是中小企业的信贷支持，合理调节中长期贷款和短期贷款的比例，防止短贷长用、挤占流动资金，造成企业营运资金紧张。要提高直接融资比重，发挥好股票、债券、产业基金等融资工具的作用，加强对实体经济的支持，更好地满足多样化的投融资需求。二是处理好促进经济增长和抑制通货膨胀的关系。当前，增长速度和就业都处在合理水平，稳定物价和管好通胀预期是关键，是第一位的。当然要充分估计货币政策的滞后效应，提高政策的前瞻性，避免政策叠加对下一阶段实体经济产生过大的负面影响。三、千方百计保持物价总水平基本稳定这是今年宏观调控的首要任务，也是最为紧迫的任务。去年以来，我国通胀预期压力一直在加大，特别是四季度后物价上涨较快，已经成为经济运行中最突出的矛盾。对通胀问题，中央一直高度重视，早在2009年第四季度，我们就提出把处理好保持经济平稳较快发展、调整经济结构和管理通胀预期的关系作为宏观调控的核心。去年我们及时采取一系列有针对性的政策措施，把全年居民消费价格涨幅控制在，在经济较快增长的基础上，保持了物价总水平基本稳定，这是很不容易的。从一季度情况看，物价上涨压力仍然较大。这一轮物价上涨原因比较复杂，许多推动价格上涨的因素还有加剧趋势，我们决不可掉以轻心。一是输入性通胀压力还在加大。受全球流动性充裕、美元走软、西亚北非局势动荡、日本地震灾害的影响，国际大宗商品价格持续上升，目前国际大宗商品期货价格指数已超过国际金融危机前的水平。原油期货价格攀升至两年半以来的最高点。特别是在全球流动性宽松、投机活跃的背景下，大宗商品金融化特性增强，价格并不完全由供求关系决定。受国际大宗商品价格大幅上涨的影响，我国能源、原材料价格“水涨船高”，向下游传导的压力加大。二是食品和住房等结构性物价上涨压力仍然很大。三是要素成本涨幅加大。今年劳动工资持续上涨，加上利率上调，增加了企业的成本，对物价总水平的影响不可低估。目前我国物价总水平仍然处于可控区间。今年以来的物价上涨，翘尾因素比新涨价因素影响要大一些，新涨价因素中也主要是食品和居住类价格，总的来说还是一种结构性上涨。我国粮食连续7年增产、库存充裕，当前小麦苗情长势较好，夏粮有望获得丰收，主要工业品总体供大于求，进口增速较快，稳定物价具备不少有利条件，我们要增强做好价格工作的信心。国务院从控制货币、发展生产、保障供应、搞活流通、加强监管等方面入手，对稳定物价总水平做出了全面部署，各地各有关部门务必不折不扣地贯彻落实，不能有丝毫懈怠。要密切关注国内外经济环境变化对价格走势的影响，及时发现导致价格波动的异常因素，采取多种措施，把物价涨幅控制在可承受的限度内，坚决防止物价过快上涨。当前最重要的是抓好三个方面的工作：一是毫不放松地抓好农业和粮食生产。要全力抓好春季农业生产，强化小麦中后期田间管理，加强春播科技指导和服务，引导农民种足种好春播作物，突出抓好早稻等粮食生产，搞好防灾减灾和病虫害防控，加强春季农业生产的各项保障，做好农业生产资料的生产、调运、供应，保障春耕备耕物资充足供应，努力夺取夏季粮油丰收。全面加强农田水利等农业基础设施建设，增强农业抵御自然灾害的能力。把中央扶持农业生产的各项政策措施尽快落到实处。继续落实“米袋子”省长负责制和“菜篮子”市长负责制，加强农产品流通体系建设，确保市场供应。二是继续实施好稳健的货币政策，不给物价上涨提供货币条件。三是全面加强价格调控和监管。要加大价格监督检查力度，严肃查处恶意炒作、串通涨价、哄抬价格等不法行为，维护正常市场秩序。要重视发挥市场机制的作用，降低流通环节成本，促进产供销良性循环，避免对生产和供应形成抑制。同时加强舆论引导，努力稳定市场预期。四、巩固和扩大房地产市场调控成效当前，社会各方面十分关注房地产价格走势。这是涉及人民群众切身利益，关系经济健康发展、社会和谐稳定的重要问题。中央加强房地产调控的目标是明确的，决心是坚定的。应该看到，随着房地产调控政策的深入推进，市场供求矛盾有所缓解，不合理需求得到一定抑制，市场出现了一些降温迹象。这说明，中央关于房地产调控的政策是正确的。也要看到，当前市场仍处于相持阶段，普通商品住房价格与调控目标和群众期待相比仍有较大差距，特别是有的城市房价过高、上涨过快的局面没有根本改变，有的地方落实中央调控政策的措施也不够有力，总的调控效果还有待巩固和加强。房地产市场调控，除了抑制不合理需求外，还要努力增加市场供应。一方面，要切实抓好保障性住房建设。今年全国要开工建设1000万套保障性住房，中央财政为此拿出1030亿元，但光靠中央财政是不够的。各级政府都要切实负起责任，多渠道筹措资金，切实加大投入，并优先保证用地供应。要抓紧建立保障性住房建设、配置、运营、退出等管理制度，避免寻租和暗箱操作，促进这一制度长期健康运行。另一方面，要努力增加普通商品住房的供应，加快普通商品住房的土地投放，督促开发商严格按照国家规定，保证住房建设进度，如期推出全部房源并明码标价上市销售，对违反规定的要严肃查处。房地产市场调控目标，是保持市场供求总量基本平衡、结构和价格基本合理，并始终严格控制投机投资性购房需求。要切实做到长期目标和短期目标合理衔接，保障性住房和商品住房统筹兼顾，避免顾此失彼。房地产调控要真正见到成效，关键要抓落实。目前市场正在观望，如果政策不能真正得到贯彻，流于形式，就很难合理引导市场预期，很难引导开发商合理定价，老百姓也很难建立起信心，我们的调控就会功亏一篑，最终，政府就会失信于民。各级政府都要不折不扣地贯彻落实中央确定的各项政策，强化责任，确保调控措施落到实处、取得实效。要将保障性住房建设任务分解落实情况，以及项目开工建设、竣工计划等安排公之于众，以便群众监督。有关部门要切实加强督察。要坚持调控方向不动摇、调控力度不放松。五、促进对外贸易平稳健康发展今年以来，进出口贸易保持快速增长势头，表明我国对外贸易已经克服了国际金融危机的不利影响，步入正常发展轨道。一季度对外贸易的一个重要特点，是进口增速比出口快，出现亿美元的逆差。出现这种情况的原因，主要是大宗商品进口价格飙升，导致进口金额大幅增加。当然，这种因贸易条件恶化所带来的顺差减少，也不是我们所希望的。从目前情况看，随着世界经济持续复苏，外部市场总体上趋于好转，企业订单有所增加。但是进出口形势依然复杂，影响出口增长的不确定因素还很多，特别是原材料价格、劳动力工资持续大幅上涨，将不同程度挤占外贸企业利润，中小企业面临的成本压力更大。在进出口趋于平衡的情况下，我们的工作着力点要放在保持对外贸易稳定增长和优化进出口结构上来。一方面，要保持外贸政策的基本稳定，继续用好出口信用保险、出口退税、出口信贷等行之有效的政策，充分发挥“引进来”和“走出去”对扩大出口的带动作用，特别注重改善中小外贸企业的融资条件，为对外贸易稳定发展营造良好环境。另一方面，要加快转变外贸发展方式，坚持科技兴贸、以质取胜和市场多元化，积极推动加工贸易转型升级，鼓励企业发展研发设计、自主品牌和境外营销渠道，争创参与国际竞争和合作的新优势，全面提升对外贸易的质量和效益。“走出去”是一项长期战略，要继续积极推进，同时要注重防范风险、提高效益。六、积极推动经济发展方式转变“十二五”时期，是我国加快转变经济发展方式的攻坚时期，今年是开局之年，我们要按照中央的决策和部署，认真做好一些打基础、利长远的大事。一要狠抓节能减排工作不放松。“十二五”规划纲要提出了明确目标，要抓紧把目标任务分解下去。我国能源资源短缺是一个需要长期面对的挑战，既要打攻坚战，也要打持久战。当前节能减排形势有反复苗头，对此决不可忽视，放任自流。有关地方和部门要高度重视，尽快采取更加有力的政策措施加以解决。二要加快推进结构调整和产业转型升级。这是提高经济增长质量、效益和国际竞争力的战略重点。要加强企业技术改造，加快淘汰落后产能，促进企业兼并重组，提高产业集中度，全面提升制造业的水平和竞争力。抓紧制定标准，细化具体扶持政策，加快培育发展战略性新兴产业。切实完善政策措施，推动服务业大发展，进一步提高服务业比重和水平。三要抓紧建立扩大消费的长效机制。随着部分刺激消费政策到期，今年一季度名义和实际消费增速都有所放缓，但仍保持了较高增长速度。关键是要建立扩大消费的长效机制，要深化收入分配制度、财税体制改革，完善社会保障体系，保障改善民生，改善消费环境，从根本上增强居民消费能力和意愿。四要正确处理内需外需关系。坚持扩大内需的战略方针，着力拓展内需增长新空间，培育内需增长新动力(310328,基金吧)，促进我国经济均衡发展。继续用好我国在国际贸易中的比较优势，通过国际市场加快自身发展，带动国内技术进步，增强产业和产品竞争力，缩小与发达经济体的差距。
中国的经济自改革开放以来得到了飞速的发展，同时在经济，科技，教育，民生等各方面都有了很大的提升。中国的发展也使得中国在国际上的地位得到提升，在国际事务中具有了更多的话语权。同时中国也不得不面对复杂的国际环境。这不仅说的是政治环境，还有社会环境和经济环境。欧美国家在人民币汇率的问题上和中国纠缠不清。由于人民币汇率保持在一个较低的水平，中国的出口维持在一个很高的水平，导致美国贸易赤字不断增长。美国等国家希望人民币升值，以改变这种状况。中国考虑到中国的出口贸易以及就业的压力，坚决拒绝人民币升值。一方面来说保持汇率的稳定是迫不得已的事情，如果人民币大幅升值的话，势必会降低中国对外资的吸引力，会使中国的招商引资遭受严重的打击，同时会大幅减少中国的出口，这样的话大批的民营企业就会倒闭，大量的工人会失业，会导致国家的政治环境恶化，社会不稳定。虽然人民币可以促进中国的进口，降低企业的生产成本，但是这些都要在国家的经济局势稳定，社会安定的基础之上才会有意义。由于美国的次贷危机，使得美国人经济状况更加的糟糕，美国人大幅降低消费，特别是对中国商品的消费。由于美国人消费降低，导致中国的出口大幅下跌。大量的工厂倒闭，大量的工人失业。郎咸平教授说过，美国次贷危机是由于中国大量购买美国的国债，政府将资金注入银行，同时美国的利率很低，美国人大量地贷款用于买车和其他消费。才导致了次贷危机的发生。这不无道理，同时这与美国政府自身的调控和美国人不良的消费习惯有很大的关系。中国政府面对此次危机提出了四万亿的投资计划。主要资金用于基础设施的建设，还有一部分是支持企业的资金。大规模的基础设施建设，带动了一大批的钢筋水泥企业的生产，而且带动了大量的就业，可是这些投资都是一次性的，建完就不会再去重复建设。以基础设施建设带动的经济发展是不会持久的。同时大量的基础设施建设，特别是高铁，高速公路的建设已经大于交通运输的实际需求或者超出了人们的消费能力。比如高速铁路，其投资成本非常的高，而且成本回收的周期非常的长。一般只有政府才有这样的能力和魄力进行大规模的投资和建设。然而要收回成本，其票价必然不会低，有些线路价格将逼近机票的价格，使得很多路线的乘客往往是寥寥无几，实在是对资源的二次浪费。为何普通老百姓的消费能力如此之低？当今流行语，“病不起”，“死不起”等都反映出普通老百姓极低的消费能力。其原因很多，首先是中国的人口多。中国的人口是怎样影响普通老百姓的消费能力的呢？虽然改革开放以来我国的劳动力素质普遍提高，劳动技能也有了很大的提高，但是其工资却不能跟上这方面的提高，究其原因是因为中国人口太多，就算劳动力素质有了很大的提升，但是由于劳动力过剩，使得劳动力的可替代性很高，工厂和企业就有更多的讨价还价的空间。如今大学的扩招也产生了同样的问题。大量的扩招，不仅严重地降低了教学的质量，而且造成劳动力的趋同化，使得大学生难以胜任工作，而且形成恶劣的竞争。由于劳动力的工资不高，消费能力自然也不会高。另外就是房地产过热，导致普通老百姓的消费能力不得不被拘束在房产上。由于中国人受传统文化的影响，对家庭和房子有着特殊的情感，所以一般会首先考虑买房，其次是买车。开发商抓住了买房者的心理于是抬高房价，榨取老百姓的血汗钱。普通老百姓由于处于被动地位只能任由开发商漫天要价。其次是地方政府为了短期的利益和政绩，抬高地价，频频拍出地王。房地产开发成本又间接转嫁给了购房者。可以说地方政府在房价高涨中起着推波助澜的作用。教育，医疗费用也是普通老百姓的重要开支。普通老百姓的消费能力被束缚，导致内需不振，同时外贸出口又遭遇寒霜。政府提出的三驾马车有两驾马车已经不能为中国的经济增长作出相应的贡献，所以只能依靠通过加大政府的投资来拉动经济。由于政府的大量投资基础设施建设，基础设施在GDP所占比例甚至达到70%以上。试想一下，如果这些基础建设完成，中国应该用什么去填补空出来的GPP空缺。到时中国的经济就会停止不前，甚至出现大的滑坡。中国的政府投资行为似乎有点饮鸩止渴的意思，但又是没有办法的事情。政府如何摆脱这种被动的局面呢？就是转变增长方式，控制产业链，把握产业链的高利润节点。中国如今的制造业主要是集中在制造。制造是整个产业链中利润最低的节点，会造成环境破坏，资源浪费，和严重的劳动力剥削。美国人聪明之处就是控制了产业链，自己控制高利润的研发设计，仓储物流，销售等环节。而把利润最低，浪费资源，污染环境的制造转移到中国，剥削中国的劳动力。而且往往造出来的产品都返销美国，国人并不能享受这些产品，真是“遍身罗琦者，不是养蚕人”。政府为了保障出口，保持着劳动力的廉价优势，或者通过出口退税的方式促进出口。这种思想方式似乎有悖于“经济发展，全民共享”的理念，为增长而增长的思维并不能真正实现国富民强。政府需要产业升级，加强产业链控制，重新审视经济增长的定义和意义。不能盲目地信从GDP指标，应该以人为本，以可持续发展为基本思路。相信政府可以抓住新一轮的发展机遇，真正达到国富民强。